Guardian’s Perspective on Covid-19 Policy: A Failed Government | Editorial | Opinion

The first virtual deliberations in the House of Commons began on April 21 following the national foreclosure. They lasted a month. The system was shut down this week by the head of the house, Jacob Rees-Mogg. When returning from the Commons on June 2, deputies will no longer be allowed to participate in debates from their homes. Electronic voting, which started on May 12, will also end. The end of the virtual Commons is actually intended to bring back an increasingly clumsy parliament. But it could easily have the opposite effect.

Mr. Rees-Mogg did all this because the government of Boris Johnsons is much more shaken by Covid-19 policy than he suggests. Prime Ministers’ handling of coronavirus problems on television and in Parliament has been shabby. It has been improved by Keir Starmer to questions from the Prime Ministers. He has now been forced to turn back on the fees of overseas health workers whom he only defended against Starmer on Wednesday. He was overshadowed in his approach to facilitate foreclosure by Nicola Sturgeon in Scotland, Mark Drakeford in Wales and Arlene Foster in Northern Ireland. When his party, and even the country, needed him to seize the opportunity, he was out of sight and left unimpressive lieutenants to face the music. Unsurprisingly, her grades dropped. His mood has not been improved by the London Assembly’s decision to continue investigating the alleged links between his private entanglements and his work as mayor of the capitals between 2008 and 2016.

While Mr. Johnson has struggled, cabinet ministers like Thrse Coffey in the Department of Labor and Pensions and Robert Buckland in the justice system have strayed significantly out of message on the fundamentals of government management of the pandemic, respectively on its claims to follow science and to treat nursing homes on an equal footing with the NHS. Former business secretary Greg Clark also wrote to Johnson on behalf of the scientific committee this week, saying that testing capacity has been insufficient for most of the pandemic thus far, a devastating judgment as ministers are fighting to set up a system in England. before June 1.

During this time, there have also been major revolts on the conservative benches. In the first, on agricultural standards in any post-Brexit trade treaty with the United States, 23 Conservative MPs voted against the government. This week’s No 10 efforts to put its own man at the head of the Commons Liaison Committee, which is supposed to hold Mr. Johnson accountable, provoked 16 conservative rebels. One day after Westminster closed for Pentecost, No. 10 was forced to turn around on the migrant workers’ health supplement after another much larger and more damaging conservative revolt forced Mr. Johnson to go back. The ancestry of prime ministers now seems more fragile.

In the context of a pandemic in which more than 250,000 inhabitants of this country have tested positive for Covid-19 and in which more than 36,000 have died, the parliamentary trips of governments must be kept in an appropriate perspective. Nevertheless, his political problems at Westminster are a vivid metaphor for his broader handling of the coronavirus crisis. When the pandemic broke out in March, virtual procedures should have been introduced immediately, but they weren’t. When the emergency system started, it worked better than expected. But as it took hold, the government was challenged. Things started to go wrong in many areas. Other governments seemed to manage the pandemic better. Like Mr. Johnson when he released the lock, Mr. Rees-Mogg has now returned prematurely to the old normal, but without the necessary preparations in place. It is a government in disarray.

The Conservative high command clearly hopes that a complete withdrawal and return to Westminster will allow it to steer a much tighter ship. In fact, Mr. Johnson and Mr. Rees-Mogg are still busy, as shown in the last U-turn. They hope something will happen. They would like to reverse the health argument to Brexit. But the pandemic will not go away. Instead, it more brutally exposes the failures and shortcomings of governments with each passing day.

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