In Brazil, the US elections are spurring far-right Trump supporters from the tropics to carry out their mission.

CNN-

Since President-elect Donald Trump's political return on Tuesday, former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and his supporters have celebrated his victory as their own.

In many ways, nowhere has Trump's political strategy been reflected more starkly than in Brazil. Re-energized, Bolsonaro's base has set its sights on the 2026 elections, seeing Trump's resurgence as proof that a similar comeback could happen in Brazil.

Despite being barred from running until 2030, Bolsonaro congratulated Trump in a series of videos and posts comparing their paths and saying he hoped Trump's return to power would inspire Brazil to accomplish its mission .

Over the years, Bolsonaro has relied on the Trump moniker of the tropics, and the two men have built parallel legacies, each facing legal and personal trials, including assassination attempts and indictments, and both elevating their families to politically prominent roles.

At the Trump Watch party at Mar-a-Lago on election night, Donald Trump Jr. posed for a photo with his Brazilian counterpart, former first son and Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro. On Wednesday, Eduardo told CNN Brasil that as the United States does, so does Brazil.

One of the pillars of Bolsonaro's strategy has been his alliance with prominent American conservatives, a task spearheaded by his son Eduardo. Since at least 2018, Eduardo has frequently traveled to the United States, cultivating relationships with figures like former Trump adviser Steve Bannon and American Conservative Union Chairman Matt Schlapp.

His first meeting with Bannon, who later served as an advisor to Bolsonaro's campaign, cemented a lasting alliance that granted the Bolsonaro movement access to tactics tested in the United States.

What Bolsonaro represents is what the Brazilian people represent, Bannon said in February. He won his second term, as did President Trump. It was stolen from Trump. It was stolen from Bolsonaro. And the reason it's grown is because it stands for what people believe in.

As Eduardo expanded his ties, other Brazilian lawmakers began joining him on tours of the United States, attending meetings with Republicans like Marjorie Taylor Greene and George Santos. Other visits included a conservative summit at the United Nations and a meeting with the Organization of American States, during which Brazilian lawmaker Nikolas Ferreira spoke about court overreach and political and judicial vengeance against Bolsonaro's supporters after the January 8 uprising in Brazil.

Part of this alignment strategy is already working. In September, Florida Rep. Mara Elvira Salazar (R) demanded that any visa applications from Brazil's Supreme Court justices be rejected on the grounds that their decisions violated Brazil's protection of free speech for citizens Americans like Elon Musk.

The Bolsonaro movement has expanded beyond rhetoric, attempting to build a lasting political infrastructure to support the movement. Eduardo spearheaded the creation of CPAC Brasil, a Brazilian adaptation of the American Conservative Political Action Conference. With the participation of American conservatives like Bannon, Donald Trump Jr. and Gettr founder Jason Miller, CPAC Brazil amplified themes of nationalism, family values ​​and opposition to globalism, thus reinforcing these principles within conservatism Brazilian. Questions and talking points about God, gays and guns are easily translated to a Brazilian audience already accustomed to hearing it from American politicians.

Eduardo also co-founded the Conservative-Liberal Institute in 2019, an organization that has primarily co-sponsored events but says its goal is to become the country's leading political education institute. Furthermore, Eduardo himself offers online courses for new political candidates and local leaders. For $50, you can learn the basics of political theory, how to win an election, and how to grow your following on social media.

The political model of influence has taken off in Brazil, and the far right has expertly developed a rich tapestry of conservative media figures who amplify their message across various platforms, often dismissing critical media as fake news. Much like Trump's base, Bolsonaro's supporters have created a self-sustaining media ecosystem.

Bolsonaro's skepticism of democratic institutions is another mark of his alignment with Trump's tactics. Throughout the 2022 election cycle, he has questioned the integrity of electronic voting in Brazil, sparking tensions that erupted during the January 8 insurrection, when his supporters stormed the Supreme Court, Brazil's Congress and presidential offices, a stark reflection of the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol. States.

The confrontation with the Brazilian justice system only intensified from there. In recent years, the Supreme Court has expanded its powers, building on precedents set by the January 8 investigations to expand its authority over cases involving political extremism, disinformation and threats to the democratic order. While some see this as essential to protecting Brazil's democracy, Bolsonaro's allies denounce it as judicial overreach aimed at restricting conservative voices.

For Bolsonaros supporters, the increased authority of the courts amplifies their narrative of political vengeance. In November 2023, Ferreira and other Bolsonaro allies spoke out against these perceived judicial excesses in Washington, describing the judiciary's actions as a crackdown on free speech and political freedoms.

Casting the Supreme Court as a political adversary has become a central part of Bolsonaro's narrative, energizing his base with calls for international oversight in the run-up to 2026.

But that path is fraught with pitfalls: Bolsonaro is still barred from office, so unless a court overturns that decision, it's a moot point. Institutions have tightened regulations on misinformation, limiting its influence online. Investigations into the Brasilia attacks are also still ongoing, putting legal pressure on him, his family and his allies.

In February, police seized his passport, for example, and although Bolsonaro told CNN Brasil that he hoped to see Trump soon, his defense team is only expected to ask to get it back if and when an invitation to the inauguration of Trump is coming.

Although Bolsonaro himself may not return to the Planalto Palace anytime soon, he continues to campaign as if his name was on the ballot, and in a sense, it is. His successor could inherit much of his base, bringing Bolsonaro's influence into the race against a broad left-wing coalition.

It remains unclear whether this path will lead to the resurgence they envision or will abate with changing public opinion and legal pressures. But for now, they are ready to test the limits of a comeback inspired by their most influential ally.

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