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Understanding China’s domestic political reforms

 


In the years to come, Asian relations could be marked by growing hostility and the quicksand of strategic alignments.

The diplomacy of the Beijing Wolf Warrior through his aggressive postures is already well established. One question that puzzles many is how President Xi Jinping took control of Chinese society and the economy to strengthen his rule, something his predecessors couldn’t think of.

Admittedly, when Xi took power in 2013, the economy was much better than it was before when Hu Jintao had taken over. Moreover, thanks to Hus’s initiatives, intellectuals were given the freedom to voice their concerns on serious issues, which they lost when Xi took power. The immediate national problems it faced were job creation, management of surplus manufacturing production, environmental degradation and food security. The rise of the middle class added to its woes. Internationally, initiatives such as March West, OBOR and circular lending through its debt trap policies have been efforts to find solutions. Since this is tedious work, it became relevant for Xi to control the dissenting voices that arose and from there his journey to strangle society began.

As a first response, in 2013, at the third plenum of the 18th Party Central Committee, Xi introduced social management to maintain public order and ensure stability. This led to the creation of a National Security Commission, and later in 2014, a Social Credit System (SCS) which worked hand in hand. The objectives of these institutionalized governance mechanisms were to monitor individual behavior to verify their loyalty to the regime and to the party cause so that a rule of law could be established. The whipping followed the structural framework. For example, in 2015, Xi Jinping made it mandatory for all NGOs in the country to have CCP party cells that would work in coordination with the PSB which paved the way for the CCP’s anti-corruption campaigns. Many liberal NGOs have either been closed or taken over by party officials. In the same year, the Party fired Xinjiang Daily editor-in-chief Zhao Xinwei for his inappropriate discussions on government policy. Several others, such as Chongqing’s party leader Bo Xilai and former Politburo Standing Committee member Zhou Yongkang, were not spared and were removed from their posts so that Xi could get a clear path.

Second, Xi transformed the United Front into the Great United Front and aimed to broaden the scope of the party’s influence in various sectors of society. Aiming at social control, in 2015 the CCP held its first conference, and since then it has been unstoppable. As part of this initiative, Xi has attempted to reach out to non-Party intellectuals who include students, media professionals, and businesses of Chinese descent. It aimed to develop friendship by teaming up by forging links between CCP workers and non-Party intellectuals through a patron-client relationship, which experts call clientelist state corporatism. This was complemented by the introduction of a new model of social governance in 2017 that emphasized collaboration, participation and common interests in which it was claimed that Party committees exercise leadership, the government take responsibility.

In 2018, Xi abolished the term limit on his presidency as a result, to which he now virtually runs as permanent president. To ensure the safety and security of his rule, he further placed the reserve forces of the People’s Liberation Army under his direct control and the Central Military Commission, a move that reduced the powers of the PLA and the local governments. The functioning of this structure allows the CCP to place its representatives in almost all business houses and also open their financial statements and other important databases for review by CCP officials at any time. Students, especially researchers studying abroad, have been tasked with providing information so that it can be useful to China.

Third, the use of Chinese intelligence services (CIS) towards the Thousand Grains Theory to tie Xi’s cause to citizens by making them essential to work for the cause of state objectives further complicates the situation. Working under multiple professional systems appears to be an inexpensive way to gain the cooperation and loyalty of the people. The National Intelligence Act 2017 obliged citizens, businesses and organizations under Articles 7 and 14 to unmistakably support state intelligence agencies. In addition, the law also gives extensive powers to intelligence agencies to investigate foreign companies, organizations and individuals on its soil. Such laws combine civil and physical defense to punish any dissenting voice and are unknown in democratic countries.

Fourth, the shutdown of some think tank organizations such as the Unirule Institute of Economics that have promoted political liberalization also speaks volumes about tighter controls. Nonetheless, media censorship also played an important role in consolidating Xis’ power. The cybersecurity law that was introduced in 2016 ordered service providers that its citizens’ data should not be stored outside of China. In addition, the ban on the end-to-end encryption messaging app Signal and systemic pressure to shut down Apple Daily which provided neutral access to foreign and security policy raises concerns about tighter academic and intellectual controls. under Xi. With various social media such as Twitter, Youtube and Facebook already banned, the social unrest among young Chinese people could seem claustrophobic, which is not good for Beijing. The integration of the Great Firewall and the Great Cannon, responsible for the influx and outflow of information via the Internet and propaganda warfare respectively, is also a concern for the world. The death of Li Wenliang, the Chinese whistleblower for the Corona outbreak, is another example of the alarming conditions.

Fifth, even the judicial systems have not been spared. In 2020, the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, which is responsible for overseeing Chinese police and law enforcement, fell victim to the education and rectification campaign to eliminate tumors or males. two faces. Such programs encourage compulsory self-reporting and ideological indoctrination to confirm that only those who are loyal to the leader and his style of operation remain within the system, resulting in a major reshuffle of its staff. Supposed to last until 2022, it is easy to understand the role of such an initiative in the next 20th Party Congress scheduled for next year.

Finally, it can be said with confidence that it would not be a major surprise next year if Xi Jinping continues to lead Chinese affairs. This will have repercussions around the world. It seems the world is already preparing for it because it seems to understand how China’s inner workings are. In the years to come, Asian relations could be marked by growing hostility and the shifting sands of strategic alignments that could force democratic countries like India to make profound changes in their military and operational doctrines. Domestically, as the espionage infiltration in China increases, it could force other democratic states to improve their counterintelligence methods as well as their regulations.

(The author is an assistant professor at the Central University of the Punjab, Bathinda. The opinions expressed are personal.)

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