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Opinion: For Xi Jinping, Chinese online culture is increasingly seen as a threat

 


Rui Zhong is the Wilson Centers Kissinger Institute Program Associate on China and the United States.

In early September, China introduced a severe ban on online video games. Chinese children under 18 are not allowed to play games on weekdays; on weekends and holidays they can only play for one designated hour in the evening. This is just one of a series of new policies targeting the Internet and entertainment industries. In 2021, this manifested itself in the censorship social media accounts of university LGBTQ groups, the to close K-pop fan accounts, the ban on effeminate men of all media, and digital erasure of celebrities. The final goal? To prevent any threat to the stability of China and to arrest any or anyone considered culturally deviant, as determined by President Xi Jinping.

As young Chinese people spend more time online and forge their identities in virtual spaces, governance and efforts to control their conduct have increased as a result. China’s technology and entertainment industries have always operated under the auspices and permission of the Chinese Communist Party. Departments oversaw the online conduct and content of what could be broadcast, printed or published digitally. Foreign platforms in particular face scrutiny over what can be interpreted as politically sensitive or contrary to Chinese censorship standards. Online games in particular were aimed at sidewalk the risk of addiction and the associated health risks and help children develop good habits. The framing of these restrictions, however, has a decidedly paternalistic bent. Subsequent media coverage focused on interviews with parents who supported the ban, highlighting the moral changes it brought about in their children, praising the government for stepping in to correct habits.

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What makes the recent changes in China’s internet and entertainment industry notable this time around is the specific targeting of consumers and consumption patterns, rather than just entertainment producers. Collective fan activity in the past has been watched, but only discouraged if it takes a political turn. The digital culture is not perceived by the government so much as a threat as a space to be managed and governed. Just as Xi aims to tell effective stories of a strong China in propaganda work in the face of overseas, the logical beginnings of such efforts begin at home, where the government has the greatest grip on the publication.

China’s most recent regulations can be interpreted as the latest in a long-standing government and Party effort to adapt the conduct and behavior of citizens to better meet state standards. Earning money for the sake of China is an advantage, but it is becoming more and more important to build a cultural identity with a penchant for nationalism, political security and social values ​​in the words of Mr. Xis . Control is tightening around online identity, and it is increasingly easy to be labeled a security threat. Mr. Xis’ cultural campaign, which includes specific guidelines for the online habits and morals of public figures, has been in the works for years. Xi Jinping thought, the ideological framework of leaders enshrined in the Chinese constitution, is taking a more prominent place in the lives of young people and in online discourse. His theories are now compulsory learning for young children as well as college age students.

This year’s list of bans, account closings and rule making indicates that these initiatives are gaining momentum. Gradually, their effect is eroding the presence of recreational and cultural online communities, memes platforms and other non-governmental web presences. As time passes under new guidelines that restrict what influencers, celebrities, and video gamers are able to do and say, nationalists and morally correct have more opportunities to achieve stardom, to change culture and tastes in favor of Mr. Xis.

Xi has held power in China for eight years now. Elementary school children when he took the Party presidency were used to knowing that following him is success, and opposing him is risking the repression that their peers in Hong Kong. have suffered. The stability of life in China, long conditioned not to tip the political boat, has been consistent. Only now, the boat’s coxswain is Mr. Xi, who rules cultural norms in increasingly narrow waters. With few avenues available to voice dissent, Chinese youth may not all be happy with these changes, but little can be done to prevent them from becoming permanent.

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