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Xi Jinping Rises to CPC Central Committee

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The Communist Party of China (CPC) central committee met in plenary session from November 8 to 11. For Xi Jinping, it was an opportunity to rise up and further marginalize the opposition within the party, a year before his 20th Congress.

According to the resolution adopted by a servile central committee, the present times represent the most magnificent epic in the history of the Chinese nation for millennia, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era since 2012, year of his accession to power. Xi Jinping, whose thought is the epitome of Chinese culture and soul and whose presence at the heart of the holiday is of decisive importance [] promote the historic process of the great renewal of the Chinese nation.

Unprecedented concentration of power

Xi combines the functions of Secretary General of the CPC, President of the Republic and the Central Military Commission. He changed the constitution so he could stay in power for life if he wanted to. He set up a homogeneous management team, made up of members of his clique, to the detriment of any collegial functioning. At the XIX CPC Congress (2017), the mode of governance of the country had changed, until then shared by the party, the government administration and the army. Although the party, within the state, retains the monopoly of political control, this system ensures a certain flexibility in the management of the day-to-day affairs of this country-continent. His cult of personality is endowed with all the means of social control that modern technologies (which are not only used in China) allow.

To avoid such a concentration of power in one person, Deng Xiaoping had put in place a procedure for appointing the political bureau which allows for the incorporation of several factions and generations in order to ensure the renewal of the leadership every five to ten years. That changed with Xi. The seizure of power by the latter was effected by violent accounts, purges and liquidations. It was accompanied by an ideological campaign with feudal overtones reminiscent of pre-imperial China. Indeed, it is not possible to reach the highest positions if you do not belong to a great family line, you are of Red blood, son of red prince, one of the historical leaders of the Chinese revolution. With this, the vast majority of party cadres are denied access to central power.

In this way, Xi made many enemies that he could not eliminate or neutralize, in a party that has some 80 million members. He is condemned to flee perpetually forward to prevent his opponents from regrouping and separating them from the population. Apparently he is considering reinstating the post of party chairman at the 20th Congress, which had been abolished.

Xi, a new Mao?

Xi Jinping assimilates to Mao Zedong (improves him) and the media generally validate the analogy, forgetting that between the reigns of one and the other, history has passed with its succession of revolutions and social or political counter-revolutions./ 1. However, they are the result of two different eras: the long revolutionary wave initiated by the Russian revolution of 1917 and which ended in Asia at the end of the 1970s, with the most significant milestones of the Chinese victory (1949) and Vietnamese (1975). ); and therefore the long generalized counterrevolutionary wave of the 1980s, of which we continue to pay the price today, with the most significant milestones of the Sino-Vietnamese conflict (1979) and, in the case of China, the liquidation of popular movements in 1989, with massacres that took place in many cities of the country, not just in Beijing, around Tiananmen Square.

Côme Seala Au Loongyu/ 2:

It is clear that Xi has tried to imitate Chairman Mao in many ways, mainly to imitate his personal worship, to the point that even fans of movie stars and children who play online are accused of attempting against the religion of God. ‘State of Xi’s thought. However, the resemblance between the two characters summoned as infallible leaders does not extend much further.

Mao’s China never progressed towards socialism or the Communism, and his Cultural revolution I destroyed the culture. In any case, their regime was then definitely anti-capitalist, anti-market, to the point that they were even forbidden to small traders and independents. [] Xi is a capitalist porter who could roll Mao into his grave. Here’s what an article from the economic news channel says Bloomberg regarding Xi’s alleged crackdown on the capitalist class: all [] indicates that in economic matters, Xi is not Mao, in the sense that he wants to redirect the energies of entrepreneurs and not eliminate them as a class. [] Xi also does not fully endorse Mao’s egalitarianism. In terms of social assistance, its main lieutenants are closer to neoliberalism than to socialism; they think that helping the poor only encourages indolence.

[] Mao was charismatic, Xi is nothing more than a dwarf. The idea and practice of revolution of Mao contained large doses of the classical Chinese idea of yixing gem, or a revolution whose sole purpose is to replace an old dynasty with a new one. This is why he was obsessed with obtaining absolute personal power. This did not mean that he was no longer a great revolutionary with great vision and great talent, and enjoyed enormous popularity because of his accomplishments. As for Xi, he is nothing more than a head of the state bureaucracy, devoid of imagination. Reading his works even carried sheep.

This huge difference in talent and temperament also reveals a huge distance between their respective actions. While Mao was sure that when he called on the young to make a revolution against his own party in the second half of the 1960s, he would not turn against him. Xi wouldn’t even dare to attempt such a maneuver. The state apparatus is the only force Xi feels comfortable with. Street protests are the last thing you want. With this conclusive contrast, any comparison between Xi’s policies and Mao’s Cultural Revolution seems absurd.

You can use the term camarilla to designate the leadership led by Xi Jinping, because it is made up of Liga men. This is not the case with the new leadership of Maoste, which gained prestige within the party during the Long March (1934-1935). Mao was the dominant figure, but he knew how to surround himself with strong personalities with very varied political backgrounds in the CCP (some were even opposed to it at the start) and with various experiences: Chen Yi, Chen Yun, Deng Xiaoping, Dong Biwu, Lin Biao, Liu Bocheng, Liu Shaoqi, Peng Dehuai, Shu Enlai, Shu De (no female).

If such a regrouping of cadres took place, it was because it served a fundamental objective: to break the subordination of the CCP in Moscow, a subordination which had led to the disaster in 1927 and the following years. The Communist International had become the transmission belt of Soviet leadership and the cult of Stalin the ideological cement of this subordination. In the CCP, Wang Ming’s faction was his agent. At the origin of what would become the cult of the personality of Mao Zedong was the will to oppose an authority of Chinese thought and action against the big Brother Soviet. This cult ended up taking a delusional when, in the mid-1960s, the party leadership was shattered and Mao called on young people to mobilize against their opponents.

Instability factor

The Xi Jinping clique represents only a fraction of the ruling classes in China. His reign is fragile. It is conceivable that it will not be called into question as long as the standard of living of the population increases, as long as families believe that their sons and daughters will live better. However, there is no guarantee that the country will be insulated from a recession for long. The real estate crisis is reaching new heights, against the backdrop of the threat of a general debt crisis. The state, pilot of the economy, has so far managed to avoid the bursting of the debt bubble, but until when?

While distributing prizes to deserving citizens and using nationalism in power as one of the main binders of the regime, the CCP promotes campaigns of repression against victims who are sometimes more symbolic than dangerous: LGBTI + people, feminist figures, themselves. saying traitors to the homeland who have allowed themselves to be too ironic on social networks Under Xi’s leadership, the party has placed itself in a permanent mode of preventive strike, in order to liquidate any embryo of the movement for democracy and the ‘equality. It is an extremely conservative reaction, for fear of a more popular revolt from below.

The political bureau which preceded the plenary session of the central committee had announced it, the rewriting of the official history had only one objective: to strengthen the position of the strong man of the regime: [Es] necessary to maintain the central position of Secretary General Xi Jinping. [] The whole party should try to understand the reasons for the success of the CCP over the past hundred years and know how it can ensure success in the future: by following the principle of historical materialism and from a correct interpretation of the history of the CCP.

By Chlo Froissart/ 3The bet is to unite the people, the party and the army behind the national myth, which has become religion. From this point of view, the resolution is part of the continuous efforts of the CCP to establish an orthodoxy which has been based since 2013 on the denunciation of any alternative interpretation of history, qualified as historical nihilism.

Xi Jinping’s position is not yet consolidated, however. Chlo Froissart underlines, thus, that this resolution does not seem to have been received with as much enthusiasm as that anticipated within the party: four days after the close of the plenary session, it has not yet been published. Also, while the figure of Xi Jinping [se ha visto] valued and singled out, this plenary session does not place him on the same level as Mao. The press release indicates that the first secretary of the party has made a new leap in the sinization of Marxism, thus underlining his ambition to be recognized as the equal of the founder of the regime on a theoretical level. However, his thinking continues to be marked by Xi Jinping’s thought formula for socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era. The fact that he is not referred to by Xi Jinping’s abbreviated thought formula indicates that he has not yet achieved the legitimacy of Mao Zedong’s thought. [] The absence of this abbreviated designation in the president’s mind and the delay in releasing the final text of the resolution makes it clear that Xi still faces reluctance at the top to fully assert his power.

11/17/2021

http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article60190

Translation: wind on

Remarks

1 / Rousset vase, P., China, the emerging new imperialism, https://vientosur.info/china-el-nuevo-imperialismo-emergente/

2 / At Loongyu, 09/22/2021, China and Xi Jinping: reaction, not revolution, Movement without borders, https://borderless-hk.com/2021/09/22/reaction-not-revolution/

3 / Chlo Froissart, 11/16/2021, “Chinese Communist Party: a new era?”, The conversation: https://theconversation.com/parti-communiste-chinois-une-nouvelle-ere-171864/

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1/ https://Google.com/

2/ https://vientosur.info/xi-jinping-se-encumbra-a-si-mismo-en-el-comite-central-del-pcc/

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