Politics
Demonstrations in China: the confinement of Xi Jinping
En spite of its appearance in Wuhan, China, in unexplained circumstances, the Covid-19 pandemic was to be proof, as claimed by the People’s Daily from March 2020, of the significant advantages of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics. On the contrary, it has become the revealer of a rigid, brutal and deaf political power: that of Xi Jinping.
Because, a little more than a month after the XXe Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, which had consecrated him as the new Red Emperor, rewarded with a third historic mandate and a leadership at his hand, the master of Beijing is taken by his people. Throughout the country, the latter shouts in the street his exasperation at the repeated draconian confinements caused by a virus which escapes on Chinese territory the trivialization obtained with hard struggle in many other countries.
Another confinement, that of the Chinese president in his zero Covid strategy, is the key. The latter has not ceased since the beginning to oppose it to the astonishments of the West, while the propaganda organs of his country compared his determination to contain the virus and the presumed incompetence of Westerners, even their supposed indifference vis–vis the devastation caused in the ranks of the weakest.
However, the limits of this strategy have become ever more evident over the past few months. To the point that the Chinese television channels are now forced to perform feats to obscure the images of the crowds gathered without special protection in the stadiums of the World Cup taking place in Qatar.
vanity of a great technological wall
Obviously, Xi Jinping doesn’t care. The subject had hardly been mentioned in his report to the congress, and this only to give himself satisfaction. Despite his chaotic management of an interminable Shanghai lockdown, the party’s secretary for the region, Li Qiang, was even promoted on this occasion to the post of number two in the party and placed in orbit to occupy the future functions of prime minister.
With the primacy of loyalty over all other considerations having become the only rule, and the collegiality of the past reduced to the bare minimum, the pyramid of power in place in Beijing offers little other choice. It is this rigidity that makes the demonstrators take on the Chinese president by name, a first for decades.
We can only deplore the refusal, dictated by nationalist pruritus, to use vaccines developed outside China and which have proven their worth. Despite the logistical challenge posed by the size of the country, they could help Beijing loosen the constraints on the Chinese population without risking an uncontrollable outbreak of the pandemic.
The current dispute offers another lesson, that of the vanity of a great technological wall aimed at making censorship and total control of information reign. The latter, spurred on by a manifestly underestimated appetite for freedom, continues to circulate, as current events bear witness to. Instead of imagining a new stiffening as the only possible response, Xi Jinping should recognize their importance and their usefulness. Because those who protest in the Chinese streets are probably asking for nothing more than to be heard by a power that his deafness is now weakening.
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