Dhruv Rathee is wrong. If Modi is a dictator, why has he so often failed to get what he wants?

VScontent creator Dhruv Rathee recently uploaded videoIs India becoming a DICTATORSHIP?, created a buzz on social media, amassing over 13 million views on YouTube alone. The viral video examines concerns around the “One Nation, One Party” ideology of the Narendra Modi and Bharatiya Janata Parties, citing instances of media control, horse-trading of MPs, and alleged misuse of security forces. order against opposition leaders. Of course, this also suggests that India is becoming a dictatorship under Modi.

But during his two terms as prime minister, Modi demonstrated an accommodating and somewhat indecisive leadership style. He doesn't really carry the authoritarian tendencies of Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump or Indira Gandhi.

I will list some of these cases here:

1. No reform of the college system: Narendra Modi introduced significant reform to the judiciary soon after becoming prime minister for the first time. THE National Judicial Appointments Commission Bill, 2014, aimed at overhauling the process of appointment of judges in India and changing the collegium system, was introduced in the Lok Sabha on August 11, 2014 and subsequently passed by both Houses of Parliament. Approved by more20 state legislaturesIt isobjectivewas “to expand the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court and High Courts, to enable the participation of the judiciary, the executive and eminent persons, and to ensure greater transparency, accountability and objectivity in the appointment judges in the Supreme Court and High Courts. “However, a panel of five judges of the Supreme Court declared the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act and the 99th Constitutional Amendment unconstitutional, arguing that maintaining the independence of the judiciary from influence of the government is the priority. basic structure of the Constitution. The law, which sought to give politicians and civil society a role in appointing judges, was struck down in a 4:1 ruling to preserve judicial independence. The move marked the end of Modi's judicial reform agenda. He did not attempt to reintroduce the bill or push for changes to the Collegium system. A single setback led to the withdrawal of a major reform program. The decision of just four judges overturned the will of the people that was reflected in Parliament and 20 state legislatures and Modi let it happen. Clearly, he followed the rules and respected the institutions from the start.
2. The death of agricultural laws: In 2020, the Modi government attempted to reform the agriculture sector with three farm laws, namely the Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, the Price Assurance Accord Act and Agricultural Services (Empowerment and Protection) of Farmers and Essentials Act. Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. The laws were designed to facilitate direct sales by farmers beyond agricultural produce market committees (APMCs) and without state taxes, allowing contract farming, deregulating trade in certain commodities (except in cases of emergency) and strengthening commercial freedom and the autonomy of farmers. However, farmers protested saying the new laws were aimed at facilitating external trade in the APMC, which would reduce government purchases by mandated, render the Minimum Support Price (MSP) system useless and destabilize their assured income. Landed farmers, mainly from Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh, protested by blocking arterial roads leading to New Delhi. The government quickly relented, halting the implementation of laws that could have modernized Indian agriculture.
3. I didn't push too hard to acquire land: The Modi governmentintroduced the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (Amendment) in 2015 to simplify the process of land acquisition for industries. However, after facing significant opposition from political allies and competitors, as well as protests from civil society organizations, the government decided towithdraw important amendments to the bill. These amendments included removing consent and social impact assessment clauses, which were part of the 2013 legislation and made it difficult for industry to acquire land.Nine amendmentswere made to the Bill before it was finally passed by the Lok Sabha. This was a big setback for Modi, who has not attempted to reintroduce these changes since. Industrial land acquisition remains a slow process in India as the Modi government has prioritized consensus.
4. An Act to amend the Citizenship ActA law adopted but not implemented: The government amended the Citizenship Act, 1955 and passed the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in 2019 to help people from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh who migrated to India after facing religious persecution in their country of origin. Previously, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians who entered India without proper documents or remained after the expiry of such documents were considered illegal and faced difficulty in obtaining permission. Indian citizenship. The CAA aims to simplify the process for people who arrived in India on or before December 31, 2014, allowing them to become citizens under more lenient rules. This amendment means that they will no longer be considered illegal immigrants and will be able to reside in India permanently. Although the bill was passed by Parliament and published inthe Gazettethe government, probably as a result of widespread anger and protests, has not yet defined thenecessary rules. As a result, no one has been granted citizenship under the amended law to date.
5. Uniform Civil Code: Despite its long-standing inclusion in the BJP's agenda, the Modi government has never attempted to advance the Uniform Civil Code. This reluctance comes from apprehensions about the opposition making the issue too controversial to address. However, theGovernment of Uttarakhand recently passed a bill to implement the UCC, suggesting that the Union government could assess public opinion and potential resistance before introducing nationwide legislation. A democratic approach, isn't it?
6. The Rohini Commission, too hot to manage? : In October 2017, the Other Backward Classes Commission was established through notification to explore the sub-categorization of OBCs. Justice G Rohini, retired Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court, has been appointed as Chairman. The Rohini Commissionsubmitted its final report to the President in August 2023, marking a crucial step in resolving the complexities of OBC classifications. The commission requested 13 extensions before finalizing its report. The slow progress of the commission and the government's inaction on its report indicate that dividing OBCs into sub-categories is proving to be a complex task for the Modi government. This hesitation raises questions about decisive leadership.
7. Reservation for women, a deferred project:This law seeks to reserve one-third of the seats in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies for women. However, its implementation depends on the next census and subsequent delimitation for seat allocation.postponement its effectiveness at least until the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. The Government recognizes the controversial nature of this issue and understands that the process of building consensus must continue beyond the passage of the Bill by the legislature.
8. Construction of the Temple of Aries: The recent construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya does not bear Modi's imprint. The government waited for the Supreme Court order before proceeding with the construction work. He is also awaiting relevant court orders to construct temples in Mathura and Varanasi. This approach marks a departure from the BJP era of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Lal Krishna Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi, during which the Babri Masjid was demolished in the presence of top party leaders. The BJP is much more law-abiding under Modis' leadership.