Donald Trump deigns to see black voters now

Presidential candidate Donald Trump has touted his newfound appeal to black voters who wanted little to do with him in previous election cycles. It would be an exaggeration to characterize the rise in support for Trump as a reflection of enthusiasm, or even affection. This is primarily a matter of disaffection with President Biden.

Not satisfied with his modest single-digit gains, Trump touts his popularity among black voters with a particular fervor that positions him as the great lord raining manna on the hungry. Trump's tone is not that of a complacent politician seeking common ground. He does not detail what he is prepared to do to win the black vote, rather he announces what he will deign to do.

During Trump's recent appearance at a Detroit church, he leaned into one of his favorite tropes: that predominantly black neighborhoods, cities and countries are hellscapes of murderous thugs, violent gangs and terrible schools. The visit recalls Trump's appearance at the Black Conservative Federation gala in South Carolina during the Republican primary, where he spoke to the gathered blacks, who wore tuxedos and formal dresses, against a backdrop of urban blight and crime rather than tax cuts. , entrepreneurship, health care or family traditions.

According to Trump, things have only gotten worse. Black Americans cannot even cross the street to buy a loaf of bread without fear of being murdered or attacked. Although there are communities where residents do indeed feel under siege, crime is not the defining characteristic of black life. But Trump is not convinced. He recounted the calls he hears from black voters: Sir, we want protection. We want the police to protect us.

It's a simple term of respect and there are surely many adults who might use it as a matter of etiquette or education. But in recounting these interactions, Trump places the word before a cry for help, then attributes that plea to a group of people he has shown little inclination to respect as unique individuals, patriots or protesters well-thinking. His words and actions treat obnoxious black people as an ungrateful mob that must be contained, controlled, and corralled.

He describes his charity, the First Step Act, Opportunity Zones, in grandiose terms, declaring that he has done more for the black population than any president since Abraham Lincoln, which is really saying that Lincoln might very well being the last president whose policies affect systemic racism and discrimination in this country have yet to come under attack or scrutiny from Trump and his far-right supporters. They rewrite known history. They are upending voting rights, affirmative action, diversity and inclusion programs.

Trump only deigns to deal with the black population when they fit comfortably into his narrative, but not when they challenge it. He wants their vote but when he doesn't get it, he claims their votes shouldn't count because they must be fraudulent even if they aren't. He likes black people like his former HUD Secretary Ben Carson and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), who say nice things about him.

Trump chooses black people who can speak from their own experiences or who speak from their hearts, but who don't necessarily speak in good faith or with great clarity. He defends Black Trump supporters, whatever their flaws or failures, but not blackness as a cultural identity, historical tradition, or point of pride and dignity.

At the church in Detroit, Trump performed on stage surrounded by black faces as many white people looked on at the audience in what was billed as a panel discussion. One woman spoke nervously about running a small neighborhood convenience store and wanting to give back to her community. She did not ask the former president any questions. A formerly incarcerated man pointed out that he was convicted under the 1994 crime bill that Biden supported as a senator, but found relief under the First Step Act. He was grateful.

A restaurateur touted the Trump administration's economic policies when the money was flowing in, even though local newspaper reports documented his white linen table establishment as having opened and then closed during the pandemic when Trump was in the White House , and finally reopening in a new, larger location in 2023, under the Biden administration.

A man who identified himself as a veteran urged Trump not to allow our soldiers to walk around in red high heels. In response, Trump promised that the military would remain high-heel free under his leadership. And a woman who said she worked with young people lamented how she was forced to be a Democrat and accept Section 8 public housing, and then some unknown force made me take all these babies out to get checks. It didn't occur to me that I was stuck with these kids for 18 years. She really liked Trump.

It was the representative group of black people on stage with Trump. In a majority-black city known as Auto Town, there were no auto workers on scene. There were no teachers. No ambitious young graduate has trouble paying off student loans. Person involved in health care, technology, or law enforcement. A person who simply identified themselves as a member of the host church.

The only person introduced from 180 Church was the pastor himself, Lorenzo Sewell. He thanked Trump for coming, but he also asked a question about the challenges of being a black entrepreneur and circulating income in predominantly black neighborhoods. How could Trump's policies support such businesses?

The candidate did not address the challenges of obtaining small business loans. He did not address policy issues related to the supply chain, tax burden, regulatory red tape, or the changing nature of technology. I think one of the biggest problems I see is crime, Trump said. You must stop crime.

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