Xi's comments evoke Qing

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has once again resorted to its age-old tactic of blaming the United States for China's woes. The Financial Times reported on Sunday that Chinese President Xi Jinping told European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen that China would not invade Taiwan because it was a trap set by United States. This is not only an attempt to deflect blame, but also a classic example of the CCP's divide-and-conquer strategy aimed at sowing discord between Europe and the United States.

However, the blame game reveals deeper issues.

Xi's power rests on the support of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA), which he bought through a distorted allocation of resources. Maintaining the threat of military action against Taiwan serves the interests of the CCP and the PLA, but with China's continuing economic difficulties, this arrangement is becoming untenable.

With Xi calling it a US conspiracy behind the push for military unification, one wonders if the CCP is looking for a way to justify military spending cuts.

For years, the CCP has used the threat of military force against Taiwan to keep its indoctrinated supporters in line. They peddled the narrative that sooner or later the nationalist goal of unification will be achieved.

However, as the feasibility of this goal diminishes, the CCP finds itself in a bind. If he does not act, he risks colliding with the very nationalism he has cultivated.

The CCP, once wary of the forces that nationalism could unleash, embraced fanaticism after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Eventually, nationalism took off, leaving the CCP with no choice but to blame the United States and the rest of the West for its problems. As economic growth slows, stoking nationalist sentiment is the CCP's only trick to legitimize its monopoly on political power.

The CCP, like the Qing dynasty before it, finds itself grappling with the double-edged sword of nationalism. The fall of the Qing was precipitated by the Boxer Rebellion, a nationalist uprising supported by Empress Dowager Qing Cixi (), who saw it as a useful tool for consolidating power and rallying support.

However, when the violence of the rebellion spiraled out of control, regional military leaders refused to answer the call of duty. This refusal, known as the Southeast China Mutual Protection Movement, significantly weakened Qing authority and contributed to the eventual collapse of the dynasty.

The CCP, having fanned the flames of nationalism for its survival, now risks meeting a similar fate. If he fails to keep his promises or if his nationalist rhetoric leads to conflicts he cannot control, his authority could be undermined, as was the case with the Qing more than a century ago.

We Hong Kongers have experienced first-hand the toxicity of the CCP's nationalist projects.

Since the 2014 Umbrella Movement, the CCP has consistently accused our democratic activists of being traitors and foreign agents.

In 2019, when the CCP went too far in pushing the extradition bill through the Hong Kong Legislative Council, Hong Kongers took to the streets in massive protests, demanding the bill's withdrawal.

Our five demands were simple: the total withdrawal of the extradition bill, the withdrawal of the classification of demonstrations as riots, the release of arrested demonstrators, an independent investigation into police brutality and the implementation of universal suffrage.

None of these demands had anything to do with foreign interference, much less the United States. Yet the CCP's propaganda machine kicked into gear, using every trick possible to portray us as collaborators with foreign powers, particularly the United States. He spread disinformation and fake news, and manipulated social media to advance his narrative.

China's ultranationalist pinks, brainwashed by CCP propaganda, now harbor a deep hatred towards Hong Kong and Hong Kong people, viewing us as treacherous puppets of the West, rather than fellow citizens fighting for our rights. and fundamental freedoms.

The CCP may cloak itself in ideological rhetoric, but it is fundamentally a practitioner of raw political realism. His strategy is simple but effective: divide and conquer. By sowing distrust, hatred and conflict among the public, the CCP aims to fragment society into disparate and warring factions. This fragmentation serves a double objective:

First, it prevents the formation of a unified opposition that could challenge the party's authority.

Second, it creates a climate of fear and uncertainty in which the public, desperate for stability and security, is more likely to turn to the CCP as protector and savior.

It is a dark vision of society, in which the state thrives on the discord and misery of its citizens. However, for the CCP, this is a price worth paying to preserve its power and privileges.

Many China observers praise the CCP's long-term strategic thinking, but I disagree. The inconsistencies in his accounts reveal a myopic, play-by-play approach. The parallels between the CCP and the late Qing are becoming increasingly evident. The CCP, like the dynasties that preceded it, rides a tiger that it cannot dismount. This, I believe, is the reality that Xi faces.

Simon Lee is a former executive and columnist for the now-defunct Hong Kong Apple Daily who moved to the United States in 2020.