Reviews | The weaknesses of Biden and Trump that don't get enough attention

Donald Trump and Joe Biden enter Thursday's presidential debate as incredibly well-known figures, defined by shared unpopularity and competing weaknesses. But their most important liability for the outgoing president, his decrepitude and his record in terms of inflation; for the challenger, an ineptitude distilled and confirmed by the events of January 6 seems too well known to merit further discussion until we see what happens on stage.

Maybe Biden's entire campaign will implode when he responds to a question about inflation with a Grandpa Simpson rant about the price of ice cream in Rehoboth Beach in 1968.

Maybe Trump will turn into Colonel Jessep under questioning from Jake Tappers and claim full responsibility for the 2021 Capitol riot.

But before either man meets either fate, it's worth giving some space to their crucial secondary weaknesses, the places where each candidate's support could be undermined among these doubly hateful voters who view the primary responsibilities of each candidate as overriding the others.

For Biden, that weakness is foreign policy, the deterioration of the world order since he was sworn in. There has been endless debate over whether voters' nostalgia for the Trump-era economy is justified, or whether it allows Trump to bail out of the Covid-induced 2020 economic crisis.

But nostalgia for the geopolitical landscape of the Trump era seems entirely reasonable: before his defeat, there was no Russian invasion of Ukraine, no brutal struggle in the Holy Land, and a weaker alignment of powers anti-American rather than a growing consolidation of our rivals in the Holy Land. Moscow, Beijing, Tehran and even Pyongyang.

The Biden administration would obviously deny any responsibility for these deteriorations and assert that Biden handled an extremely difficult set of situations better than a Trump sympathizing with a dictator would have done. And as a defender of the withdrawal from Afghanistan despite its disastrous implementation, and a partial defender of our attempt to balance the risks and evils in Ukraine, I have some sympathy for the White House's self-justifications.

But I also think that the liberal investment in the idea of ​​Biden as a great defender of the liberal international order against isolationism and reaction has made it difficult for Democrats to accommodate increased stability which the US-led order seemed to enjoy in a crudely transactional context. Trump's machtpolitik.

This contrast means that while there are positive arguments for Biden's foreign policy, they cannot simply be boiled down to rote warnings about how Trump will dismantle NATO and let our enemies run amuck. hands, not when these enemies seem so much more aggressive under Biden than before.

Trump's crucial secondary weakness, meanwhile, is not a matter of his record but of his promises: in particular, his commitment to a 10 percent tariff on imported goods as a costly economic policy of his potential second term.

When he first ran for president in 2016, Trump's protectionism was part of a general shift away from Tea Party libertarianism and Mitt's austerity agenda. Romney-Paul Ryan, in a landscape where America had a lot of fiscal space and where it was possible to work. promising all kinds of sweeteners to balance the cost of trade wars.

But in today's context, Trump's promise not to cut Medicare and Social Security seems like old news, an expectation of his supporters. And there isn't much room for credible promises of further handouts, whether new tax cuts or new spending, while inflation is still relatively high.

This particularly highlights the immediate costs of a 10% tariff, which could weigh heavily on an inflation-weary middle class. Some of these costs could potentially be offset, especially if the most serious proponents of a tariff policy design it. But it's a complicated argument to make, and complicated political arguments are not Trump's strong point. Thus, the price commitment presents a political objective much like John McCain's promise to abolish the tax exemption for employer-provided health insurance in 2008, which Barack Obama successfully described as an increase in taxes on the middle class.

Especially if we combine the 10% tariffs with Trump's promise to maintain his initial terms of significant corporate tax reduction, or even deepen it: higher prices for the middle class and Lower corporate tax rates are the perfect grist for what has long been the most effective Democratic campaign against Republicans are the type to portray the GOP as stealing from the middle class for the benefit of plutocrats.

Can Biden pursue this case convincingly and in a way that doesn't just remind voters of his own inflationary policies? I doubt. But you might also doubt that Trump could make the case against Biden's fight to contain America's authoritarian enemies, without reminding voters of his own authoritarian impulses.

And with the two questions, the two doubts, each candidate has found his primary weaknesses, in the shadow of which all the secondary debates will inevitably take place on Thursday evening and beyond.

Sources 1/ https://Google.com/ 2/ https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/22/opinion/biden-trump-presidential-debate-cnn.html The mention sources can contact us to remove/changing this article

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