The demigods of populism by Nina L. Khrushcheva

Leaders who claim to have a divine mission seek to increase their power and extend their reign, ideally indefinitely. Vladimir Putin has already achieved this goal, and Narendra Modi and Recep Tayyip Erdogan have moved in the same direction, but Donald Trump may represent the apotheosis of religious populism.

NEW YORK When the Soviet Union collapsed and global communism receded, many hoped that the days of authoritarian leaders with cults of personality were over. end of the storyand liberal democracy won. Regular and peaceful transitions of power between democratically elected officials would be the norm, and no one would dare claim to be infallible, much less divine.

In the USSR, communism could be the only religion. And if communism was godless, its opponents concluded, the antidote must be Christianity. Russia's first post-Soviet president, Boris Yeltsin, expressed his democratic spirit in part by declaring himself a Christian. Thus it was God, not Lenin, who became the measure of the non-dictatorial aspirations of the post-Soviet leaders.

But the current Russian president, Vladimir Putin, has reversed this approach, elevating post-Soviet piety to an evangelical level to serve his dictatorial aims. During a visit to the United States in 2002, Putin’s zealous talk of crosses and miracles convinced President George W. Bush, a born-again Christian, that the former KGB lieutenant colonel had heart and soul.

The problem with overtly religious leaders is that they often seek to imbue temporal decisions with the absolutism of their faith. This is a risk even in a democracy: when Bush met Putin, he was leading a sort of crusade in Afghanistan, and he called Iran, Iraq and North Korea “the most powerful countries in the world.” . axis of evil A call to arms disguised as a lament. But as Bush's wars multiplied and dragged on, his ability to rally the faithful weakened, and new elections raised hopes for better, less dogmatic leadership.

Putin's Russia is not so lucky. Unlike Bush, Putin has the power to impose his fanaticism as he sees fit, and Kremlin-organized elections are little more than a cult ritual.

Although Russia is not a theocracy, Orthodox Christianity, the state religion, has become almost as universal as communism once was. For example, state officials could cancel an anatomy exhibition simply because it could insult the feelings of the faithful. And when Putin attacks the West, he often highlights his decadence. Russia one distinct civilization with historical ties to the Byzantine Empire must lead the way in defending traditional values ​​such as heterosexuality and nuclear family.

Putin does not claim to be divine, but he speaks in his name. The Soviet general secretaries were descendants of the prophets of faith Lenin, Marx and Engels. Putin is a modern incarnation of the holy tsars, especially Peter the Great and Catherine the Great, emissaries of the gods on earth. He is not a fanatic, but rather a man of destiny, uniquely qualified to lead a sacred crusade.

Putin has cultivated this image for a long time. In 2007, a group of Russian Orthodox followers created a new sect based on the belief that Putin is the reincarnation of the Apostle Paul, returning to fight the Antichrist. In the 2010s, Vladislav Surkov, one of Putin's close advisers, declared that he is a white knight sent by God to save Russia. And after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, references to God and Putin's special bond with him dominated official airwaves.

It could be argued that there is nothing unusual or even particularly problematic about invoking faith to comfort or motivate people in times of crisis; even Stalin kissed The Orthodox Church during World War II: People would be more likely to support the struggle if they believed God was on their side. In contrast, Putin uses religion to justify the creation or worsening of crises.

Putin is not alone at present. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, for example, declared earlier this year, he dedicated himself entirely to God, who sent him for a specific purpose. Although Modi has a cult of personality failed to give his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party a majority in the recent general elections. Indian democracy has not yet completely followed the same path as Russia. It remains the world leader. the most popular elected leader.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoan, another autocrat in democratic garb, has used religion in similar ways, such as in 2020, when he declared Istanbul's iconic Byzantine basilica, Hagia Sophia, a mosque. Some of its acolytes claim that he was sent by Allah as a hope for Muslims. Since Erdoans' Justice and Development Party suffered a rare electoral defeat In April, Erdoan stepped up his efforts on religion, including pushing through changes to school programs emphasize religious studies and promote national values.

And then there's Donald Trump, the Orange Jesus of the American radical right. Trump may not know a single verse of the Bible, but he knows how to whip up religious fervor to unite his base. And for Trump supporters, no claim is too outlandish. In 2021, for example, hundreds of conspiracy theorists who love Trump gathered in Dallas, Texas, for the second coming not of Jesus, but of John F. Kennedy, Jr., who they believed would become vice president when Trump was inexplicably restored as president.

Leaders who claim to have divine missions are leaders who seek to increase their power and extend their reign, ideally indefinitely. Putin has already achieved this goal, and Modi and Erdogan are moving in the same direction. But Trump may pose the gravest danger. There is no ignoring the possibility that, if he wins the presidency in November, the United States will not hold elections in 2028.