Politics
Donald Trump's strange new normal in 2024
On Christmas Day, Donald Trump delivered his traditional holiday greetings. Posting on Truth Social, the social media site created to serve as a platform for both his personal enrichment and political aggrandizement, he reiterated his threats to reclaim the Panama Canal from its current state of country control in which he exists, transformed Canada into America's future 51st state, pushed his plan to purchase Greenland for national security purposes, and wished a Merry Christmas to the radical left crazies he so recently defeated during the greatest election in the history of our country. Would it be too 2016 of me to suggest that this is an absurd, embarrassing, disturbing thing? As 2024 draws to a close, the prevailing attitude toward the former and future president's manic stylings and exaggerated threats, even among his fiercest critics, appears to be more one of deliberate indifference than explicit resistance; call it a capitulation or simply a resignation to the political reality that Trump, despite everything, is twenty-five days away from returning to the Oval Office.
A year ago, a Trump victory was far from inconceivable, given the fiercely anti-incumbent mood of the American electorate, and the former president's almost comical dispatch of a host of primary challengers from the Republican Party, most of whom were afraid to criticize him, suggested that this was not only a possible but even a probable outcome. But it's also true that as 2024 began, Trump's victory was far from inevitable — an alternate reality that, like the half of the country that couldn't accept his return to power, was erased from the Trumpian narrative on his powerful and unprecedented mandate. In the weeks after Election Day, it was as if Joe Biden and Kamala Harris and all the polite, technocratic debates of their polite, technocratic administration had vanished into the mists of time. The last four years in Washington were just a weird dream sequence, like that entire Dallas season in the 80s?
The radical revisionism of and on behalf of Trump is a strong contender for the theme of this disruptive year, in which a unique property of political alchemy has succeeded in transforming a defeated and disgraced ex-president facing four criminal indictments into a perfectly eligible Republican candidate with offbeat communication. style, a host of more or less legitimate grievances and a plan to make America great again by empowering his billionaire acolytes and rolling back the laws, regulations, geopolitical trends and social norms that he and its voters don't like it. Rewriting history, questioning old struggles, simply revanchism, all of this worked for Trump in 2024, and it's a safe bet that, along with revenge and retribution, these will be the themes of the new administration Trump who will take office on January 20.
Whether it is peremptory attacks on a 1977 Panama Canal treaty whose terms he now wants to reject, the resurrection of 19th century economic protectionism or the fantastical reimagining of the January 6 rioters who took storming the US Capitol as innocent martyrs, Trump is a conservative in a sense. in a totally different sense from the one we have come to know: he is not a republican who sticks to the status quo but rather a powerful man whose attachment to a past that he imagined will now be , once again, become the governing ideology of the country.
Every year since 2018, I have written a version of this End of Year Letter from Washington. What is striking about reading them today, on the eve of Trump's return to the White House, is not so much his continued domination of our politics as the consistency of how he has accomplished it, the maniacal government through social media statements, bizarre news cycles, and the normalization of what would previously have been considered politically unnormalizable. Even his targets are remarkably similar from year to year: radical left crazies, windmills, Justin Trudeau. In Trump's Christmas 2023 social media post, he wished the nation a happy holiday while praying that his enemies ROT IN HELL. What we have managed to forget about Trump in recent years would fill entire books about other presidents. This end-of-year exercise was a little memory effort.
This seems more important to me than ever in 2024, after an election year in which harnessing America's capacity for collective forgetting proved to be one of Trump's superpowers. Many notable events of the year were so dramatic that they need not be recounted now: Trump's unprecedented criminal trial and thirty-four felony convictions in New York state court last May; the incoherent June 27 debate that effectively ended Biden’s career; the attempted assassination of Trump while he was speaking at a rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, on July 13, and the remarkable footage of him raising his fist in the air and saying Fight! immediately afterwards, a bullet grazed his ear but spared his life. It was only days later that Biden dropped out of the race, reinvigorating Democrats with the sudden hope that he could beat Trump, after all for Harris, despite a wave of happy memes online and more than a billion dollars in campaign contributions, is suffering. an even bigger defeat to Trump than Hillary Clinton's shocking defeat to him in 2016.
Even the subplots of 2024 were epic, from the specter of the world's richest man jumping around Trump rallies like an overheated schoolboy to the torrid success of a Republican ad campaign that portrayed America as dangerous hellscape of invading illegal immigrants, rampant inflation and intolerant leftists eager to force transgender surgery on your children. Shortly after the election, Trump attempted to nominate Matt Gaetz for attorney general, even knowing that the Florida Republican had been under investigation by his own congressional colleagues for paying a minor in exchange for sex, a choice that resulted in one of the most rapid implosions of a ministerial selection in modern times. history.
We won't soon forget all this. Where Trump benefits most from this failure of memory is in the common practice, among his allies and detractors alike, of neglecting much of what he says and does, whether it is his vow to close the U.S. border and begin the largest mass expulsions in the United States. history on the first day of his presidency, to end the war in Ukraine in twenty-four hours, or to cancel the constitutional guarantee of the right of citizenship. So that's what I hope most doesn't get lost in this apathetic moment, where its enemies look the other way and its allies are so confident in the imminent arrival of a MAGA utopia that they have little need to worry about details. (A new Associated Press/NORC poll, released Thursday, indicates that sixty-five percent of American adults now feel the need to limit their news consumption about politics and government — the Great Disconnect is real.)
As 2025 approaches, I don't believe warnings about the dangers of an unchecked Trump are overstated. Instead, it’s the creeping sense that Trump is taking office unopposed that increasingly worries me. This is a major warning sign, among many others, that the ideological policing of Trump's opponents as shrill, hysterical and hypocritical has been very effective. I brace myself for impact, and not only fear but expect the worst.
But if Trump can now believe himself so powerful that he can rewrite history for him, it is just as fair to anticipate that his past will serve not only as a prologue but also as a precedent for 2025. If neither American voters nor the Republican Party couldn't stop Trump, his many personal weaknesses just might. Presidents, especially those in their second term, often stumble. Many occupants of the White House find themselves mired in scandals and infighting, victims of their own excess, hubris, or simply sheer incompetence. This is the story of the first Trump administration, and there are many reasons to believe it will be the case in his second term as well. Should we explain the failure of an American president? Half the country, half Trump, did it, to great effect, in 2024; in 2025, it will be everyone's turn.
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