Trump tries to redo the presidency. Here is whyExBulletin

President Trump, by orders, layoffs and other changes, redid the existing check system on the president. Supporters say it's exactly the point. Anna Moneymaker / Getty Images Hide Legend

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No one can say that he was not initial on this subject.

“It is good to have a strong man at the head of a country,” said Donald Trump at the time during a New Hampshire campaign rally in January 2024.

In his successful return offer, Trump spent the whole campaign by praising Strongman leaders and promising to uproot the administrative state and seek reprisals against his political enemies and when he was asked to promise that he would never abuse power as a retribution against anyone “by the host of Fox News Sean Hannity in 2023, he replied,”

“We close the border, and pierced, Forent, Forent. After that, I am not a dictator. Ok?” Trump continued.

Since he took office only seven weeks ago, the president of the second mandate sparked an unprecedented assault against the functioning of the executive power: contesting the independence of the Ministry of Justice, dismissing independent inspectors through 18 federal agencies, causing consumer surveillance agencies and trying to take control of the Securities and Securities Commission. elections.

“All of these actions are implementing legal fighting on the scope of executive power,” said Tara Maloy, who directs disputes and the Call Center Calm (CLC) campaign (CLC), a government surveillance group.

“That said, I fear that we do not consider them as a kind of academic, legal or combat argument,” added Maloy. “This administration is trying to exercise control and authority over the federal government in an unprecedented manner.”

The CLC is particularly opposed to Trump's attempt to dismiss Ellen Weintraub, president of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEC). Independent agencies cannot be simultaneously neutral and equitable forces of the law and are only responsible for the president, said Malloy.

“I think you can see the fundamental injustice. If you were to return the situation if, for example, the Biden administration had exercised a presidential control over the FEC that President Trump thinks that his campaign in 2024 was to shake equitable? This seems completely contrary to everything we know on Trump.”

The case of a more “energetic” framework

Trump's actions have triggered chaos through the executive power, but there is a theory that links everything together, according to John Yoo, a conservative legal scholar who served the Ministry of Justice under President George W. Bush.

Before the Watergate scandal, the American presidents enjoyed much less constraints on their power. After President Richard Nixon resigned in the scandal of his abuse of this power, the Congress under the control of Democrats at the time of years to adopt laws to force or verify the presidential power by, for example, by creating the general role of inspectors to serve in federal agencies to signal waste, misdeeds and ineffectures.

“We are still living with these laws today, and a way of understanding what Trump is trying to do, and I'm not even saying that Trump understands that this is what he does, but the presidency, the way she is designed, asks him to do so, while he tries to break these limits that were imposed on the presidency in the post-watergate era,” said Yoo.

This idea, called “unitary executive theory”, has long been popular in the preservatives of the far right and has been promoted in the BluePrint Project 2025 conservative project, but it is now tested in real time by the Trump administration.

The argument, according to supporters like Yoo, is that the Constitution puts the power of the executive branch in one person, the president and, consequently, the president should have the power to command the executive branch at will. In the simplest terms: the president can hire or shoot those they want.

“Now it can be risky or dangerous, of course, but [the founders] thought it was counterbalanced by the virtues of having one person who could act quickly, could act with speed, could act with decision and capacity, “said Yoo.” The famous Hamilton sentence used is a good government is defined by “energy and the executive”. And to have this energy, you must have power in one person. “”

The Chief of the White House Staff, Stephen Miller, explained the opinion of the administration on the power of Trump during a press briefing of February 20 while discussing the cuts made by the White House Advisor Elon Musk and his project of efficiency of the government.

“A president is elected by all the American people. He is the only civil servant of the whole government elected by the whole nation. No? The judges are appointed. Congress members are elected to the district or the state. Only one man,” said Miller. “And the Constitution, article 2, has a clause, known as the acquisition clause, and it says:” The executive power will be invested in a president, “singular. The whole desire for democracy is imbued with the president elected. This president then appoints the staff to then impose this democratic will on the government.”

He then described the titular officials “who believe that he does not answer anyone” as a “threat to democracy”.

Guard dogs sound the alarm

Dogs on duty claim that Trump's actions have a scary effect not only on government forces aimed at stopping corruption, but also on government officials who remain in these agencies while waiting to see what is happening.

“I do not think that it is without consequence of withdrawing the heads of the officers whose work consists in protecting the denouncitors and in preventing corruption and the reprehensible acts were the first targets of the Trump administration. I think that what is also important is the signal that sends to all those who investigate corruption,” said Danielle Brian, executive director of the government, who is investigating corruption. “All offices and laws that have been put in place to prevent corruption and abuse of power are explicitly targeted and undermined.”

Scott Graytak, Director of Defense of the International United States and Advocate and Defender of the United States, lawyer and corruption defender, was more measured.

“Several lights in the sky do not necessarily mean that there is a constellation, and I hope that there is no constellation, but it is simply too early to say it,” he said, “I do not think that it comes from a coordinated and total bond of corruption.

The Trump administration has also not yet issued an imposing decree of ethical directives for its administration and its appointment of high -level policies that the presidents generally make despite the employment of more billionaires than any cabinet in history with many financial conflicts before the government.

“I am not saying that there is necessarily corruption in the administration, but I say that it creates a much greater risk that there will be at least one appearance, and when this happens, there must be a responsibility, because we must know, again, the government operates in the public interest,” said Daniel Weiner, director of elections and the government program of Brennan Center for justice.

Who asked

There is little evidence that the American public demands a more powerful president.

If anything, voters seem to love the separation of powers as it is. According to the survey in 2024 by the Unity survey of the University of Vanderbilt, only six percent of the Americans support an increasing presidential power. The vast majority 63% were satisfied with the status quo.

Last month, a CNN survey showed a narrow majority of Americans, 52%, say that Trump went too far in the exercise of presidential power. However, a president of the second mandate is not as captive for popular political feeling because it is prohibited to reappear on the ballot (although Trump has repeatedly raised the idea that he could contest the constitutional limit to two terms to the president).

For the moment, the control of Trump's power is located before the federal courts, where more than 100 cases contesting his executive actions are underway.

But the courts move slowly and Trump did not save the judges, and his advisor, the businessman Elon Musk, who publicly called for some judges to face the accusation for decisions that have slowed down or stopped Trump's efforts to redo the federal government.

What is at stake

There are dozens of proceedings that are heading for the federal courts contesting the actions of the Trump administration, but Yoo said that it was part of Trump's strategy.

“Trump clearly puts a test case to return to the Supreme Court,” said Yoo, who said that the administration is likely to test a 1935 Supreme Court decision which limits the presidential power to withdraw certain officials serving in the executive power. A 6-3 conservative court is a more hospital place for Trump to have this legal struggle, and the Court has been sympathetic in recent years to these arguments.

In 2020, the Court judged that the president had the power to dismiss the head of the CFPB. “It is almost as if Trump takes into account the call of the Supreme Court to test if one of these independent agencies can really remain within the framework of our 18th century Constitution,” said Yoo.

The Supreme Court has already given Trump the almost absolute power of the Ministry of Justice in a decision in 2024 concerning presidential immunity, including the ability to have conversations on criminal cases and other implementing measures.

If Trump succeeds in breaking all or part of the objects linked to the president in the post-watergate era, this would inaugurate a new era of American policy with little or no independent checks on the president and politicized agencies.

The responsibility could still arise in two forms: the ballot boxes and the other branches of the government. Voters can oust unpopular presidents and the congress can still adopt laws to reign, as well as to exercise the dismissal powers to withdraw a president.

Although this may be true for future presidents, Trump is not as influenced by public opinion as president of the second mandate, and a congress governed by the same party is much more willing to acquiesce the requests of the executive.

Yoo has recognized that expanding executive power is not a unique advantage.

“It was after the Second World War, in the wake of FDR and Truman, Kennedy and LBJ, the Democrats were those who loved the unitary executive, and it was Republicans like Taft who opposed it,” he said, “so I do not think of a truly republican democratic advantage.”

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