The civil puppets of Pakistan and the army iron handle – Analysis – Eurasia Review

Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan has oscillated between fragile civil governments and a pure and simple military regime, a model that has rooted the army as the true arbiter of power. The illusion of democracy in Pakistan has often been a little more than a faad, civil leaders serving as puppets for the whims of the general siege of Rawalpindis (GHQ), the nervous center of the Pakistani army.

This article examines how every civil government in the history of the Pakistans has been subject to the adhesion of the military, how recent elections were manipulated to maintain this domination and how the nation remains a military dictatorship masked in a democratic costume. Thanks to a nuanced strategy of electoral, writing and strategic ouys, the army guarantees its supremacy, as illustrated by the political trajectories of Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif.

A legacy of coup d'etat and puppet diets

The political history of the Pakistans testifies to the inflexible influence of the military. The country endured the direct military regime for more than three decades of its existence of 77 years, with kicks in 1958, 1977 and 1999 to install generals Ayub Khan, Zia-Ul-Haq, and Pervez Musharraf, respectively, as heads of state. Between these periods of manifest dictatorship, civil governments worked under the shadow of the military, their authority reduced by the generals of Rawalpindi. The first important military intervention occurred in 1958 when General Ayub Khan ousted President Iskander Mirza, repealing the Constitution and creating a precedent for military domination. This model was repeated in 1977 when General Zia-UL-HAQ filed Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and again in 1999, when General Musharraf overturned the government of Nawaz Sharifs.

Even during periods of civil regime, the army maintained a firm hold on critical fields such as foreign policy, security and defense budgets. No Prime Minister has ever finished a complete five -year term, a striking contrast with military dictators who have often governed for almost a decade or more.

A nuanced strategy: the fuel elections, oust dissidents

In recent decades, the Pakistani army has refined its approach, moving away from direct coups to an equally effective but equally effective control method: manipulating elections to install favored civilian leaders while retaining the power to oust them when they diverge military interests. This strategy preserves the democratic faad while guaranteeing the domination of the military behind the scenes.

Imran Khans The political journey illustrates this dynamic. During the 2018 general elections, Khans Pakistan Tehreek-e-insaf (PTI) came out victorious in the midst of generalized rigging allegations supported by activists. The reports of the time highlighted manipulation before the soil, in particular the censorship of the media, the kidnappings of journalists and the binding defections of rival party politicians such as Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in PTI. The Pakistan Human Rights Commission qualified the 2018 surveys among the dirty and most micrrogerated in the history of the country. Khan, a former cricket player who became a populist politician, was considered the candidate chosen by the soldiers, a perception reinforced by his initial harmony with the chief of the weapon then Qamar Javed Bajwa.

However, this alignment collapsed by 2022 when Khan resisted the choice of the military for a new head of inter-service intelligence (ISI), tending his relationship with Bajwa. The soldiers quickly withdrew his support, orchestrating Khans avoiding a vote without confidence in April 2022. His dismissal underlined the intolerance to the military for civilian leaders who question his authority, even those which he formerly supported.

Nawaz Sharifs' career offers another case study. Triple Prime Minister Sharif oscillated between the ally of the military and his opponent. In 2013, he returned to power with military acquiescence, but in 2017, his efforts to assert civilian checks that question the military expenses in disagreement with the GHQ. The army retaliated by taking advantage of the judiciary, disqualifying Sharif from its functions in 2017 for accusations of corruption linked to the Panama newspapers. Prohibition of life policy and imprisoned, Sharif was sidelined before the 2018 elections, authorizing Khan's path. However, in a touch of irony, Sharif returned from exile in 2023 with apparent military support, positioning him as a candidate in the 2024 elections after his convictions were clearly overthrown the strategic sign of the military.

The 2024 elections: a mastery in manipulation

The general elections of February 8, 2024 also revealed the soldiers of strangulation on Pakistan democracy. Despite the popularity of the PTIS, the soldiers sparked an implacable repression against Khan and his party. Khan was imprisoned for several charges, including a 10 -year sentence for violating the official secret law. At the same time, PTI was stripped of its symbolic critical blow in a country where symbols guide a largely illiterate electorate. Thousands of PTI workers have been arrested and his candidates were forced to present themselves as independent. Internet and mobile phone services were closed on election day, and delays in the announcements of the results fueled the allegations of falsification of votes.

Despite these obstacles, the independents supported by PTI won 93 seats in PML-NS 82 and PPPS 68 in the National Assembly of 336 seats. However, the soldiers ensured its favorite result by negotiating a coalition between PML-N, led by Shehbaz Sharif (Nawaz brother) and PPP, installing Shehbaz as Prime Minister. This result, spoiled by credible rigging assertions, has demonstrated the capacity of the military to shape the electoral results while maintaining a plating of legitimacy. Analysts noted that confusion and disorganization in the announcement of the results were deliberate, designed to prevent the PTI from obtaining a decisive majority.

Lawfare: expand the arsenal soldiers

Beyond electoral manipulation, the army has relying more and more on the legislation to cement its authority. In 2024, changes to the 1952 Pakistani army law extended the mandate of the head of the services, including the all-powerful army from three years to five years. Adopted with a minimal debate in November 2024, this legislation, opposed to its vocation by the PTI legislators who described it as an attack on democracy, ensures prolonged military influence on successive governments. This decision echoes a 2019 Supreme Court decision which extended General Bajwas's mandate, a decision that required parliamentary approval and stressed the limited judiciary to influence the GHQ.

Other legislative measures, such as Pakistan Army (amendment) Act of 2023, criminalized the criticisms of the army and extended its role in national development, more blurring the boundaries between the civil and military spheres. The official secrets on secrets, amended in 2023, was armed against dissidents like Khan, granting the intelligence agencies of powers to make raids on simple suspicions. These laws, precipitated by a compliant parliament, illustrate how soldiers use legal mechanisms to tighten their grip, making civil institutions helpless.

The political landscape of Pakistans reveals a harsh reality: democracy only exists of name. The domination of the military is not simply a relic of coups d'etat passed but a living and evolutionary system supported by electoral rigging, strategic outs and legal overtaking. With a defense budget consuming approximately 16% of annual public spending (around $ 7.5 billion in 2023-24), the economic influence of the military corresponds to its political power, overshadowing civil priorities such as health and education.

For Pakistan to be released from this cycle, a fundamental restructuring of its civil-military relations is essential. However, the soldiers have rooted the interests by its control over foreign policy, nuclear assets and economic enterprises such as the Fauji Foundation, such an improbable change without sustained public pressure. Until then, civil leaders will remain puppets dancing in Rawalpindis Tune, and Pakistan democracy will persist like a hollow shell, diverted by the iron handle of the military.

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