The North Sea is a battlefield for work against reform

Farage and the electrical reform of deep northern politics, East Midlands, Welsh valleys and even Scotland before the local elections and awarded in May and next. What, however, maintains the light lights? Now, as decades and centuries ago, the answer is fossil fuels: coal, oil, natural gas. Carbon has made sure that rich Britain and reform insists that it must do it again, once its new English reform is finished and that the Orthodoxies of Net Zero are dissolved like monasteries.

The diagnosis and prescription are as frank as possible, perfectly expressed by Lee Anderson, the deputy for Ashfield who went underground to exploit the coal field of North Nottinghamshire in adolescence, weeks after the miners' strike, now declaring that the time has come to reopen the pits and dig, baby, dig. In its clarity and audacity, these are breathtaking things. Will he suck the life of Sir Keir Starmers to have answers to a volatile world in which energy itself is now a weapon of war?

Clarion Call reforms in reindustrialisation is worried about labor strategists. So much so that, while I was listening to Farage claim the merit of the rescue of British Steel on Tuesday, I imagined what some could say not on Nigel, but themselves. Some would say that, at a level, frage is right. The world has changed and the work must change with it. Maybe they can venture into private moments, we put ourselves on the wrong side of history when we placed the powerful power at the center of our industrial and economic strategy.

A large part of what work has said and did in the opposition was a study in deliberate ambiguity, but this was never the case on energy. In government, they have also stopped imposing new petroleum and gas licenses and burying plans for a new mine of deep coal in Cumbria. The sums of money to invest in the state in the green regimes could be smaller, far from the 28 billion per year promised by Rachel Reeves in 2021, but the letter of the policy remains the same. It is not difficult to find someone at Downing Street or Whitehall who will tell you that it could be a mistake.

No one, however, dares to say it in public. And as I was sitting in Newton Aycliffe Working Mens Club, I said so much to a close person and the confidence of the Prime Minister. Farages Industrial Revolution will inspire the same kind of reaction to which we are used to, I say, but the months come and come and nothing will have changed. It is not as if someone in government was going to go out and say that in fact, the world has really changed and that it is time to concede to a new drilling of oil and gas, right? Well, they said. On this subject

I don't want to overestimate the facts. Government policy in oil and gas is, at the time of writing, the same as ever. Ed Miliband, the Energy Secretary, continues his own program that investment in their own power, the fastest growth sector, is the means to reindustrialize Great Britain and make its workers rich with the same clarity and the same coherence as Farage.

Miliband has the support of the Prime Minister and resisted countless attempts to emasculate him with superhuman resilience. He is the minister who decides on these things and we know the decisions he will make. But that does not dissuade a coalition from not wanting to knock on the rear doors of n ° 10 and the treasure in the hope that others could decide the reverse and conclude that the time has come to reverse the opposition of governments to new oil and gas licenses.

As so often with the Labor Party, the discussion begins in Scotland. This is where the oil and gas fields are in question and where the industry and political figures who put pressure for a U-turn believe that the political price of inaction will be the highest.

Gary Smith, the secretary general of the GMB Syndicate who wants tax reductions for oil and gas companies that employ so many of its members and Gordon Brown, the former Prime Minister, are both in mind that the North Sea industries are too large to fail. Neither men is a climate negationist. They know that oil and gas from the North Sea are declining. They agree that a transition to renewable energies is coming. But they are one of those who believe that the transition arrives too hard and fast to support the jobs on which so much Scotland depend and, in fact, in the northeast of England. Smith asked Downing Street exactly how he intends to reduce energy bills.

With Sharon Graham, the secretary general of Unite, the three of them told ministers at the top that it was time to rethink the license of oil and gas, in the name of the growth and survival of the Scottish Labor Party.

If the North Sea becomes the power of renewable energies, its point of view is that energy companies should be allowed to make this change from a position of strength. And so there are provisional conversations in the government, does not allow it more strongly to know if it is time to think the unthinkable and reconsider it.

It can happen to nothing. These conversations could end very quickly, and government policy says they should. However, it is not only a reform that wants to change it.