Trump's legal battle: Paul Weiss's agreement seems to turn into a big fight

President Donald Trump's agreement with Paul Weiss was his first big victory in his war against Big Law.

In court, he returned to haunt him.

For the law firms that have chosen to fight against Trump's decrees targeting them, rather than concluding agreements with the president, Paul Weiss's agreement has become a powerful weapon.

They quoted the rapid revocation by Trump of the order only six days after he was initially issued to assert that orders have never had legitimacy in the first place. The order, if it had been carried out, would have revoked the security authorizations of the lawyers of Paul Weiss out of “the national interest” and prevented them from entering the buildings belonging to the government, including potentially even the courthouses and the post offices.

The argument is again emerged in a Washington Federal Iaring, DC on Thursday afternoon as a lawyer representing the cabinet Susman Godfrey, Trump's return to Paul Weiss's return to the order of Federal Judge was proof that the White House never really believed that law firms pose a national security risk.

“There was no change in circumstances with regard to the reliability of Paul Weiss between the issuance of this decree and his termination a few days later,” said Donald B. Verrilli, Jr., Munger lawyer, Tolles and Olson representing Susman Godfrey. “And I think in some respects that tell you everything you need to know if there is something legitimate about the suspension.”

After Paul Weiss concluded an agreement with Trump in March, its president, Brad Karp, told lawyers of the cabinet that the agreement had resolved an “existential crisis” which “could easily have destroyed our cabinet”.

The decision divided the legal profession. The criticisms said that by choosing to reach an agreement with Trump instead of fighting in court as Perkins Coie had at the time allowed Paul Weiss to take care of greater law firms.

Eight other law firms have concluded agreements with Trump, avoiding possible executive orders as possible and performing a total of almost a billion dollars in Bono hours towards Trump's political priorities.

For the four law firms that fight against executive orders perkins Coie, Jenner & Block, Wilmerhale and Susman Godfrey, Paul Weiss's agreement had the opposite effect.

It was a clear indication, all argued that the legal justifications for Trump's orders were Baloney.

Under legal precedents, government agencies are required to carry out an “individualized examination” to issue and revoke security authorizations, the judges ruled in business. The four law firms each argued that the inversion of the order of Paul Weiss in less than a week was clearly too short to weigh individually if each person working in the cabinet represented a threat of real national security.

Thursday's judicial hearing, supervised by American district judge Loren Alikhan, was on the question of whether the judge should definitively block the order targeting Susman Godfrey, a law firm who represents the New York Times in a trial against Openai and Microsoft and represented Dominion voting systems in his trial against Fox News.

Richard Lawson, who was left as the only lawyer for the Ministry of Justice, defending the government in these cases, told the hearing that the executive power had “a discretion inherent in security authorizations”. He also argued that because each of Trump's decrees says that security authorizations should be examined “in accordance with the applicable law”, they could not be illegal.

The four judges supervising the proceedings, including Alikhan, were not convinced. Everyone quickly made a temporary prohibition prescription blocking the implementation of decrees.

Friday, judge of the American district Beryl Howell made the first order definitively blocking one of the decrees against Perkins Coie.

She wrote in her 102 -page opinion that Trump's actions and public statements said her decrees had nothing to do with national security, but were rather motivated by her aversion to specific people working in private law firms and because he wanted “large figures” in the promises of each company.

“None of these changes in policy or practice contained seem to explain or explain how sufficient national security concerns to justify the Paul, Weiss EO could have changed so quickly,” Howll wrote about the announced agreement between Trump and Paul Weiss. “The speed of the reversal and the justification provided in the Paul, the order of revocation of Weiss, which focused only on the agreements to advance the political initiatives of the Trump administration, supports more the conclusion that national security considerations are not a plausible explanation.”

Howell also discussed the circumstances of the executive order of Trump targeting Susman Godfrey. After signing the order, Trump announced: “We just start the process with it.” It was an indication, wrote Howll, that Trump can consider orders as a lever effect for negotiations rather than trying to legitimately solve national security problems.

“The fact that President Trump focuses on the” process “refers to the application of the Susman EO or that this order was the opening gambit similar to the Paul, Weiss EO followed by Le Paul, the Revocation of Weiss for transaction negotiations, is not clear,” is not clear, “wrote Howell.

Alikhan asked Lawson on Thursday if he wanted to share how Howell's order could affect the Susman Godfrey affair.

Lawson tripped by an answer.

“No, I don't do it. There is nothing in it, I mean, obviously, we have a big problem with the observation,” said Lawson laughing. “But I don't think there is something urgent that I need to attract the attention of the court.”

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