The art of dealing with Donald Trump? Do not fight it alone | Jonathan Freedland

Donald Trump wanted Thursday, as every day, all about him. He thought that the news cycle would be dominated by his sealing of the first American trade agreement because he exploded a hole in the world economy with the dynamite of prices. He gathered his vice-president and several members of the cabinet at the Oval Office to announce the new agreement with the United Kingdom, because this only happens to make the eye of the world. All eyes were on Rome, where Trump was presented by one of the few world actors who can surpass him when it comes to making a show.

Do not think that Trump does not wonder simultaneously how he can use all this thing of white smokes perhaps to report his victory for a third term constitutionally prohibited in 2028 and fearing that Leo XIV is a serious rival for the goods which he has more than fears: attention. There now lives an American with subscribers more global than him, and it happened in an instant.

None of this concerns the other party at the outline agreement unveiled at the White House. For Keir Starmer, it's a welcome silk stroke. A week ago, he was in shock from the electoral sweeping of the UK Nigel Farages Reform UK party. Seven days later, it can grill trade agreements with the United States and India, as well as a opportune gift from the Bank of England, in the form of a drop in interest rates.

The simple fact of concluding these agreements is a success. The seizure of the conservatives and their press allies is laughable: it was precisely the price that the Brexiters promised, sought and did not succeed. If a conservative Prime Minister had succeeded, they would greet him as the dawn of a new golden age.

Even the nature of the agreement can be presented as a victory for Starmer and yet more evidence than Trump, the self -proclaimed maestro of the agreement, is, in fact, a terrible negotiator. Panicked by the crisis that its prices have created by increasing prices, slowing down the American economy and alarming the stock markets and obligations that the American president wants everything that can be thrown as a breakthrough. Like Paul Ashworth, Economics capital economist, wrote it in a note to investors: this precipitation to demonstrate the progress of transactions reveals growing despair within the administration to make prices back before reaching GDP and inflation.

The result is that Trump has given in to starmer most of what Great Britain wanted, while accepting the simple promise of a later discussion on the things that the United States has looked for in return. Tasks on Range Rovers and Aston Martins sold in the United States will now drop from 27.5% to 10%, while imported British steel samples fall to zero. Yes, the British obstacles to American imports of beef and ethanol are lowered, but mainly prevails of larger requests, for a reduction in the digital service tax that Great Britain slams the giants of American technology has been launched in the long grass of a potentially endless negotiation. The United Kingdom is gaining the gain now, with delayed pain. For the United States, it is not far from the other meaning.

What could be more, Starmer held his red line on imports of food. All wobbles on who could have cost him doubly, first by angry British consumers with the prospect of supermarket shelves overflowing with American chlorinated chicken and, secondly, by endangering food with the EU. Even after this agreement with Trump, the United Kingdom and EU markets remain compatible.

All in all, as well as the agreement concluded with India, the week could almost be a showcase for starmerism: the truncant regularly and without danger of progressive progress. It may not be the future Buccaneling and Globe-Bestrid promised by Boris Johnson and the crowd of Leave. It was always an illusion. But it is something, and a demonstration of what the Minister of Europe, Nick Thomas-Symonds, calls for ruthless pragmatism which could well define Starmer.

Even so, we must not get carried away. As Ashworth has advised its customers: the complete and complete trade agreement between the United States and the United Kingdom has announced it today … is not such. Commercial expert, David Henig, said that the statistics that Trump was cheated on Thursday were mainly invented and that the probable gains for the United Kingdom will be microscopic, compared to the 4% of GDP lost to Brexit. To state the evidence, obtaining a 10% rate still leaves a price that was not there a few weeks ago. Henig grants the government the government for having passed something, noting that Starmer has obtained conditions of Great Britain as well as anyone who had it. But, he told me, what was done is essentially a burger nothing, with incredibly modest advantages.

And a reminder: this is Donald Trump spoke. There is no guarantee that he will be held on an agreement, any more than he does his word on something else. Trump warmly spoke the art of renegotiation. This perspective is particularly tempting when the party on the other side of the table seems happy: if they feel like winners, in his mind, that makes him a loser. Not for nothing, a lot of business analysts advice that the best hope of UKS is that prevailing on concentration changes to other countries, the two of US-UK talks indefinitely postponed.

Here, it is instructive to learn the lesson of the main American universities, on which Trump declared war, reducing their funding and seeking to control their teaching. Faced with the loss of $ 400 million, Columbia tried to be emollient and respond to Trumps' requests. He just returned for more.

Harvard adopted a different approach, refusing to accept the government's intrusion and to continue the administration for threats to its funding. In a few hours, more than 150 other colleges met to denounce Trump, uniting to prevent an unprecedented attack on their independence. Shortly after, the White House exchanged that the list of requests published in Harvard had been sent by mistake.

These are the two strategies available when Trump's mastodon comes for you. You can seek to conclude a separate agreement, to protect yourself, as Columbia tried to do so. Or you can stand with all those who are also attacked, seeking to repel all of Trump's offensive, which happened after Harvard took the step. So far, it is a collective action that has obtained the best results.

Applied to global trade, this would mean a distance from the approach of all men for the time that led to handful handles in the oval office, and to a combined company in which the United Kingdom joins, let's say, in Canada and in Australia and, obviously, to its greatest trading partner, the EU, to oppose Trump and its prosperity prosperity and prosperity. More Harvard, less Columbia.

Now, clearly, Starmers' duty is to protect Great Britain from an American who currently destroys the world trading system. He took a step in this direction this week. But the greater and more sustainable protection will surely come only when the free nations of the world do not simply try to save their own skins, but rather meet to resist an American president determined to destroy as long as we all appreciate and not only on trade. Who knows, there can even be another American leader Oint this very week that would give such an effort his blessing.

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