Politics
Coming down from the tiger – Journal
SOMETHING is particularly common in the politics of Donald Trump, Benjamin Netanyahu, Narendra Modi, Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, Sheikh Hasina and even Asif Zardari. Of course, many others are nuanced, but this small sample explains how democracy has become a zero-sum game between political leaders at the expense of the masses. In other words, all the eminences listed above either ride the tiger of power or ride one to face its fateful consequences. A zero-sum game is a competitive situation in game theory in which one participant’s gain is exactly balanced by another’s loss, meaning that the total profits and losses are zero. The total amount of resources is fixed, so a player can only win at the expense of another. The masses can only watch in disbelief. Abraham Lincoln and Immanuel Kant would be horrified by the transformation of democracy into a fossil of its former self.
All of the above leaders would probably be in jail if they got off the tiger’s back, provided they weren’t already there or living in exile. The fear of retaliation grips Trump and Netanyahu hardest. They are perhaps the most powerful men today, working to destroy the world at will and threaten Armageddon. Trump faces impeachment as soon as he leaves office, having reveled in the fear and anguish of his enemies while in office. The rematch could happen sooner, in November, if midterm polls give Democrats a majority in both chambers.
Desperately, Trump supporters have floated the idea of a perpetual presidency or at least a third term, even if it comes without legal sanction. Why do politicians turn to crime to get revenge on their opponents? Supporters see another distant path to Trump’s reprieve. They saw Gerald Ford grant a presidential pardon to Richard Nixon. Trump may be hoping for a similar reprieve from JD Vance or Marco Rubio, should either of them find their way to the next presidency. In contrast, a Hillary Clinton-backed Democratic presidency remains Trump’s biggest nightmare between now and November 2028.
The same goes for Netanyahu, who has advocated for support from Trump and, through him, from various power players in Israel. He needs their help to escape serious corruption charges that risk sending him and possibly his wife to prison if he leaves office drunk. The war with Iran, among other uses, has kept the law from taking Netanyahu by the neck. Nawaz Sharif and Pervez Musharraf had an exchange of blows that left them both physically weakened and sent them both to live in exile, in turn. Imran took on Zardari and Sharif, and Zardari’s group joined hands with Sharif’s archenemy’s group to ensure that Imran got his comeuppance. Hasina was lucky not to be devoured by the Bengal tiger after a timely helicopter flight that transported her to Delhi. The beast, for its part, had pushed her off its back with a very petty intention.
Modi is working to destroy the opposition like a man possessed. The tricks he used can be considered his own patented innovations.
Narendra Modi’s circumstances seem lenient, for now. But he shares the difficult scenario with Trump, Netanyahu and others. Fortunately, the Indian opposition is full of individual ambitions and calculations that track a range of diverse regional interest groups, some with links to enticing revenue streams. Modi recently bulldozed his way to scalp another state for his party in West Bengal recently. The Election Commission was widely seen as a member of Modi’s team. Millions of voters’ names were erased, the offices of the ruling Trinamool Congress were raided, its strategists arrested only to be released after the elections. Aparna Bhattacharya argued in The Wire that “out of 150 seats, more than half of West Bengal’s 294, the total deletions were greater than the margins of victory, and the BJP won 99 of them. In 2021, it won only 19.”
The strategy was no different from that used by the BJP in Delhi, where the chief minister and his cabinet colleagues were jailed before the elections and released when the BJP had won. Earlier, Haryana and Maharashtra saw the Election Commission helping to realize Modi’s agenda. In Maharashtra, the Supreme Court stepped in to bail out Modi’s coalition by bizarrely arguing that the aggrieved chief minister should not have resigned as it had weakened his case. Today, Mamata Banerjee refused to tender her resignation in West Bengal, even as a new BJP government came to power. Let’s see what the Supreme Court says.
A crucial issue for the opposition is Modi’s near-total control over the media. In contrast, the Israeli and American media display practical criticism of the government despite the ongoing war. Their leaders also faced fierce opposition. Rival TV networks work for and against the Trump establishment, which allows everyone access to different points of view. Modi’s monopoly on all media in northern India was made possible by the business tycoons he supports for mutual benefit. Whatever resistance he encounters comes from alternative spaces such as YouTube channels and online media portals like The Wire, Scroll, etc.
Modi is working to destroy the opposition like a man possessed. The tricks he used can be considered his own patented innovations. Its stated goal in 2014 was to establish a nation without Congress, a reference to the giant once led by Gandhi and Nehru, and which governed the country for much of its existence. The Congress is going through a difficult time since the assassination of two of its charismatic prime ministers, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. The Congress, without Gandhi at its head, never achieved a majority on its own. The more than 400 seats won by Rajiv Gandhi in 1984 remains an Indian record. Rahul Gandhi has charisma but few reliable colleagues in the Congress. The BJP’s chief ministers from Assam and West Bengal, for example, were members of the Congress before being accused of corruption by the BJP. Modi bailed them out, a ploy that works entirely at the mercy of the tiger he rides.
The writer is Dawn’s Delhi correspondent.
Published in Dawn, May 12, 2026
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