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The coronavirus and China-United States. Reports

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One of the inevitable consequences of political analysis is an unexpected event that upsets the apparent trends. For the United States and China, this event is the coronavirus pandemic, which appeared when the two governments were celebrating a trade agreement and also faced other problems. The response to the pandemic in the two capitals has been similar, framed by autocratic styles of government and gross errors of judgment that have sapped public confidence. Sino-US relations also suffered at a time when a global humanitarian crisis could be a way to reignite engagement.

The Chinese and American governments were initially unwilling to face scientific facts, slow to respond to people’s needs, and tended to blame others. Narrow political considerations dictated their initial blindness to reality and a concealment of vital information. None of these systems is a model for preventive action in the event of a pandemic.

But there are at least four important differences between the leadership of Donald Trumps and Xi Jinpings. First, while Xi recognized the scale of the crisis in a month and took drastic measures to lock down the Wuhan area, Trump in January and February did not act on reports from health experts and intelligence officials, including ignoring a pandemic manual developed by Obamas’ emergency preparedness team. The trump card focused on declining production, unemployment and a stock market, not public health, as suggested by his comment that deaths from coronavirus were small compared to those caused by influenza and automobile accidents. WE CANNOT LET THE CURE BE WORSE THAN THE PROBLEM ITSELF, Trump tweeted on March 22 the unacceptable remedy closing the country to prevent uncontrollable infections. In late March, infections exceeded 120,000 and Trumps leads two advisers on COVID-19 estimated that there would ultimately be between 100,000 and 200,000 deaths.

Second, Trump did not use all of the tools at his disposal to contain the virus. It took far too long to activate the National Guard units and the Army Engineers Corps. He first resisted pressure to use his power under the Defense Production Act of 1950 to order industries to produce essential equipment, such as fans, leaving states to make deals with private industry while competing. Its appointees in public health bureaucracies have been slow to grasp the enormity of the virus and prepare for mass testing.

Third, some Chinese media and officials hold the United States responsible for the coronavirus, but not Xi (at least publicly). But Trump, some of his top advisers, and the right-wing media scapegoat, China, use racist language to start. Trump wondered out loud why China took three or four months to inform the United States of the virus, when in fact China identified the problem in late December 2019 and then shared the genetic code with American scientists. He is one of those who insist on calling the virus Chinese characterization or wuhana which legitimizes growth anti-chinese resentment in the USA.

Fourth, China has become the largest international donor of supplies and expertise to countries with particularly high rates of COVID-19 infection, including Italy, Germany, Spain and the United States . Of course, these donations have propaganda value and are partly intended to mask Wuhan’s mistakes. But China has emerged from the virus and is providing foreign aid to combat it, compared to the United States, which lacks essential equipment and has no national strategy to obtain it. This contrast speaks volumes about how world leadership exchange.

Unfortunately, another difference in leadership is that China is using the COVID-19 crisis to increase surveillance. To better identify carriers of the virus, all Chinese people must register by mobile phone for an application that separates the healthiest from the most vulnerable. But the data also show police authorities another tool to locate and monitor individuals. This happens because a large number of Internet Police, who belong to a little-known cybersecurity force in the public security bureau, are looking for dissidents. Some prominent human rights defenders who criticized the Xis for manipulating the virus have been imprisoned, including law professor Xu Zhangrun, book publisher Gui Minhai, legal activist Xu Zhiyong and real estate mogul Ren Zhiqiang .

The drift of relationships backwards

Until the start of COVID-19, the American vision of China had been dictated by trade negotiations. Widespread violations of human rights standards in the mass incarceration of Muslims in the Uighur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang, attempts to quell pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong and the imprisonment of critics of the regime have failed are just flippant and inconsistent remarks from the Trump administration. When the virus hit Wuhan, Trump was advised by cabinet members and public health experts to ban travelers from China. He hesitates for fear of a prohibits impact on trade negotiations and the US economy. The ban came into effect in late January 2020, but Trump has repeatedly praised the handling of the virus by Xis. He said at that time, for example, that China was working very hard to stop him and, throughout February, that China was showing great discipline under extremely competent leadership. These remarks were made at a time when Trump was ignoring warnings from the administration of an impending pandemic.

Now the discourse in Washington is economic and technological decoupling with China. But the decoupling is not about human rights issues, which never interested the Trump administration. Cybersecurity and a pandemic are of great interest, however, as they both affect American industry and commerce, and outweigh the chances of re-election. Presenting China as a security threat is an easy way to get support on Capitol Hill these days. A new bipartisan consensus on China emerged, some liberals joining conservatives to argue the need for face the chines global efforts to influence American opinion.

COVID-19 has created a unique opportunity for cooperation which is marred by xenophobic explosions. In an era of international public health crisis, we need more, not less, interaction with China. Reduce interpersonal and other exchanges, close Confucius Institutes, impose immigration and visa restrictions, limit technology transfers, reclassify Chinese media offices in the United States as overseas operations, and placing Chinese nationals and Chinese Americans working in automatically suspected US laboratories and universities is nothing less than a new Red Scare. Yes, China has engaged in cyber piracy, stolen technical secrets, and spied on sensitive US installations. Yes, in a few cases, the Confucius Institutes on American campuses have been prevented from implementing programs in Taiwan and Tibet. And yes, some American scientists have accepted research positions in China that are more attractive, in terms of money and equipment, than anything available at their home universities. But there is no evidence that these events are part of a Chinese master plan to jeopardize the national security of the United States. They must not become a pretext for laying unfounded accusations or threatening universities to lose federal funds.

Is China really the central threat of our time, as Pompeo said in London in January 2020? The Trump administration obviously thinks so. But politically motivated sanctions that make China an enemy exclude opportunities for cooperation and encourage reprisals, which Beijing has waged against the United States and other foreign journalists and NGOs since the start of the trade war. Sanctions and other negative incentives also fail to project the best of American society and democratic values, let alone do anything to mitigate China’s repressive policies. Criticism specific to politics and competition with China, on the other hand, is certainly in order, for example, on human rights abuses, trade and investment in Asia-Pacific, and technological advances such as 5G networks. Measures should also be taken against unfair Chinese practices, such as harassment of journalists, the provision of low-interest loans from the World Bank, and ignorance of the intellectual property rights of foreign investors. But reciprocity and equity should not be confused with containment.

But Secretary of State Mike Pompeos Declaration last year, Beijing posed a new type of challenge; an authoritarian regime economically integrated into the West in a way that the Soviet Union never ignored the emotional wish of American leaders for many years that China embraced globalization. We also forget that competition is supposed to be the American way until now, when China wins over the United States. Vice President Mike Pence has twice delivered major speeches on Chinese politics, each time resembling a cold warrior disappointed in China for its failure to liberalize and determined that China’s provocations will be met with an energetic response. So far said Pence, it seems that the Chinese Communist Party continues to resist real openness or convergence with world standards, by which it clearly intended to respect American political preferences. Neither he nor Pompeo had anything to say about how American policies, including the trade war, contributed not only to tensions with China, but also to developments elsewhere that were contrary to American interests, such as the deterioration of relations. with South Korea and the increase in Russian-Chinese military forces. Cooperation.

Competitive coexistence

Positive relations with China are much more important to American national interests than relations with Russia. This does not mean that Washington should overlook opportunities to hire Moscow. Rather, finding common ground with China is essential to maintain a peaceful international order on issues such as disease control, terrorism, climate change, the international economy, energy, rules of thumb. the maritime route, the proliferation of nuclear and conventional weapons and aid to developing countries. . These are areas where American-Chinese cooperation is crucial for Asia and the well-being of the world. Red fears only worsen friction. Evan Osnos writes that “difficult coexistence” is the likely future of US-China relations. In terms of policy, U.S. relations with China should be based on competitive coexistence.

There are at least two basic obstacles to finding common ground. The first is how to bridge the big gap between a newly empowered China and the United States that used to be number one. The challenge here comes down to different notions of the international orderwhat is its essential aspect, WHO should define it, and How? ‘Or’ What should it be maintained. For the United States, the international order is based on rules, it is defined by the post-World War II institutions that the United States led by creating, and it should be led primarily by Washington. The role of China should be that of a responsible actor, as Robert Zoellick said in 2005. For China, on the other hand, the international order is multipolar, requiring the creation of a new type of relationship of great power in which the role of China is that of a responsible great power. These differences over global responsibility and rule making will persist for some time. While they don’t need to prevent the search for common ground, they will be a constant source of friction unless directly addressed.

The second challenge of the Chinese-American engagement is that the two leaders share a dangerous insecurity. They both operate out of fear. China is concerned about popular demands for democratic reform, social protests, independent media and economic downturns that are creating instability. The Trump administration fears democracy, avoids accountability, despises the rule of law and suffers from constant corruption and internal friction. He faces a population deeply divided on national priorities, culture, race relations and even the coronavirus, the Democrats being much more fearful than the Republicans about its effects on health. The two leaders fear the stranger, whether it takes the form of a reduction in immigration or the elimination of non-indigenous influences.

Significant portions of the Chinese and American populations are angry and lack confidence in their leaders. Political leaders thus confronted and convinced of their righteousness can unleash themselves in various directions. Trade wars, piecemeal responses to diplomatic disputes and military clashes are all possible. Expect to promote conspiracy theories and demonize the other. The times are calling for mutual restraint, recognizing that the latest pandemic, like climate change and mass migration, can only be effectively tackled through international collaboration.



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