Politics
Beware of the implications of coronavirus surveillance
As governments increasingly shut down to fight the new coronavirus, they are turning to sophisticated technologies to strengthen their tracking and surveillance efforts. Israel is the last country to announce new ones mass surveillance measures: Shin Bet, its national intelligence agency, obtained access to a vast mine of mobile phone data to track people who tested positive for the coronavirus. The order came into effect on March 16 and is initially authorized for 30 days, but it is difficult to imagine that Israel will have contained the coronavirus in a month and will not seek to re-authorize the order. This is where problems start to appear.
In a democracy like Israel, it is certain that these emergency measures will respect fundamental human rights guarantees and will include guarantees to ensure that citizens’ data are protected from both public and public exposure. illegitimate use. But citizens must beware. The general authorizations of emergency powers taken in times of crisis can persist over time and lead to a permanent erosion of political freedoms. For example, look at the legacy in the United States of the September 11 attacks – an alarming deterioration in privacy standards that has taken years to reverse, even partially. Or take it high securitization measures imposed in Europe in response to a wave of attacks by the self-proclaimed Islamic State from 2014 to 2017.
Israel is not an outlier. Taiwan uses cell phone monitoring to apply quarantines. Singapore has “mobilized a state control system” based on advanced surveillance technologies to ensure obedience to coronavirus protocols (daily public updates include specific details about new cases, “up to age, gender, nationality and the street they live on”). Likewise, China and Russia have used facial recognition systems and location data to maintain adherence to quarantines of coronavirus. There is even more and more chatter deployment of machine learning algorithms monitor epidemics linked to the pandemic, which would require sharing even more personal data with governments and businesses.
There is no doubt that the fight against the coronavirus requires that the world put all the resources at its disposal to slow down the advance of the virus. These efforts require personal sacrifice, including the temporary reduction of public expectations of privacy and the trust that governments have in mind the interests of citizens when deploying mass surveillance instruments.
But no one should be naive about the direction of these strategies. Even in strong democracies, the temptation to leave intrusive directives in place and redefine standards of confidentiality will be tempting. Citizens should demand transparent rules on how governments plan to use their data, time limits for such authorizations (perhaps forcing governments to request renewals every ninety days) and controls responsibility to ensure that governments do not abuse these measures.
In authoritarian countries like China and Russia, which already have abhorrent records of exploit digital technologies for repressive political control, the struggle may have reached a tipping point. Without a strong retreat from the public concerned, it is difficult to imagine Chinese President Xi Jinping or Russian President Vladimir Putin withdrawing from the new mass surveillance capabilities, even after the threat to public health has been mitigated.
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