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How do authoritarian systems deal with earthquakes
The earthquake, which struck Southeast Asia in late March, was believed to have killed more than 3,000 people in Myanmar, a country ruled by the Military Council that prevented humanitarian aid and continued to launch war on the lands of the devastating rebels in the earthquake.
I am interested in how to deal with authoritarian systems with disasters and whether they are disrupted or enhanced the agenda of the ruling elite. My research led me to Tibet, which has befit the Chinese occupation since 1951 and suffered from an earthquake of 7.1 Qaq in early January 2025.
Beijing controls access to independent media and international observers in Tibet. What we know about the impact of the catastrophe to a large extent depends on the initial reports conducted by the Chinese media, which killed 126 lives, road damages and communication networks.
However, Tibetan sources claimed that there is much greater destruction, including a number of monasteries and nuns throughout the region.
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After the earthquake, Chinese President Xi Jinping ordered “comprehensive search and rescue efforts” and pledged to recover quickly. The restricted political environment means that the Chinese relief agencies and the state -run Chinese media may control the narration, as it praised Beijing's ability to “speed and sympathy” in mobilizing rescue efforts while using the disaster to highlight China's record of “good governance and put people and their lives first.”
These accounts are not only failing to report the civil responses of disasters, such as the mutual aid networks organized by the Tamitin locally and internationally, but they tend to overlook the immediate concerns of affected societies.
Survivors and activists who use social media to challenge Chinese media novels have faced alleged success in rescue and relief efforts to censorship and an explicit and an explicit of Chinese authorities. A previous study, given the 2008 Cichuan earthquake, found that societies that are a challenge to the Chinese authority have been suppressed for relief.
Firefighters convert the rubble in Shigatse on January 7, 2025. Chinese news service, CC BY-SA
The earthquake raised more fears between the two Tibetan that the Chinese authorities will use the disaster to tighten their grip in the region.
The situation is mentioned in the April 2010 earthquake that struck the Yoshu Tibet region, claiming more than 2,600 lives and causing a significant disruption of local life. The earthquake enabled China to push its vision of modernity and development in Tibet, amid allegations of corruption in the distribution of relief and forced transition.
The effects of the difference between the Chinese interpretation of the recovery and what many Tamitin saw were necessary to preserve and enhance their unique cultural identity.
In their study of Zimbabwe's response to the tropical hurricane in 2019, the An anthropologist Denipui Kodigira described this phenomenon as “authoritarian disaster”: when the authoritarian regime takes advantage of a disaster to reassess its strength. Similar to the China model, the Zimbabwe government restricts the participation of NGOs in long -term recovery efforts.
The relative lack of interest in journalists and politicians abroad pushes Tibette makes this problem more severe. For example, forest fires in Los Angeles erupted at the same time as the earthquake, but they got more and more sustainable media attention that launched the responsible agencies. On the contrary, the Tibet earthquake quickly faded from the news.
“Emerging confrontation policy”
For Tabitin, the challenge of authoritarian disasters is part of a sensitive political conflict. The leader of the spiritual Tibet, the Dalai Lama, described the catastrophe as a “natural phenomenon and not the result of human activities”, while urging the Tibetan not “the anger of the Chinese.” This seems to reflect his long wisdom that will invite the Chinese authorities to more difficulties for societies with political marginalization.
Others are more skeptical. Some people inside Tibet questioned the official number of losses informed by Beijing and pushed the Chinese authorities to clarify the size of the tragedy.
There are signs of more emerging confrontation policy. The international campaign of Tabit, which presses the determination of the fate of the decline, described the “silent earthquake” disaster and accused the Chinese authorities of controlling the true nature of the suffering.
Another group of rights, the Tibetan rights group, highlighted China's interference in Tibet, which made the region unstable geologically, including building hydroelectric power and roads. Modern research shows that pushing the Chinese infrastructure in the region has increased the risk of disasters, such as floods and landslides, for escort societies in South Asia.
A colleague's research showed that I conducted during the epidemic that society groups can compensate for gaps in the state -led disaster responses, and alert when needed to help. But this depends on public participation and popular organization, in authoritarian contexts such as Tibet and Myanmar, strongly restricted.
The climate crisis increases the risk of disasters at the same time as there is a wide fear of increasing tyranny worldwide. We should be concerned about how these two directions interact.
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Sources 2/ https://theconversation.com/disaster-authoritarianism-how-autocratic-regimes-deal-with-earthquakes-248188 The mention sources can contact us to remove/changing this article |
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