A replica of the Great Earthquake – The Pledge Times

The head of Generalitat, Quim Torra, during a teleconference on managing the Coronavirus in Catalonia.

Catalonia shook, and even trembled, with the onset of autumn. Since the independence movement set its agenda, it’s the season in which it all happens. September 11th is the seismometer for things to come. The great clash between the plates erupted in the fall of 2017: the referendum on October 1 and the declaration of independence that was and was not. Since then, the justice response to this process has caused earthquakes that shook political life in Catalonia. Nothing was strong last year, when prison sentences imposed by the Supreme Court on separatist leaders were announced in October. The ruling sparked street protests and had seen little violence before. This fall, judicial activity around the independence movement is still alive. But it appears that more of an earthquake, aftershocks of less destructive force are coming.

On September 17th, six days after an unusual diada cut due to the Coronavirus, the Supreme Court will review the appeal of the President of the Public Authority, Kim Tora, against the sentence who was sentenced last December to a year and a half in prison for disobedience. . . If the Supreme Court confirms this ruling, then Tora must leave the position immediately in the following days or weeks. It remains to be seen whether he does so without fanfare, and also, if by then, he will have already set a date for the upcoming regional elections, a possibility that has been on the table for months but has been postponing it despite growing clear contradictions between Junts per Catalunya and ERC.

If justice deprives you of your status as president, it is likely to happen – “Yes, I disobeyed” – the independence movement asserted before the judge – the independence movement will have a new asset to feed its bases with “state repression” rhetoric. However, it is not known what the audience’s response will be. It didn’t seem like an explosion or huge if the President’s trial was taken as a reference, attracting barely a few dozen followers at the gates of the Palace of Justice. Even the initial ruling of the Supreme Court of Catalonia (TSJC) did not provoke a reaction on the street.

If his predecessor, Carles Puigdemont, had organized 1-O and declared independence (even without traces), Tora restricted himself to pulling a poster supporting the process prisoners from Palau de la General despite the Electoral Council’s warnings. More bizarre behavior may explain the lack of popular heat around the Tora case.

This lack of enthusiasm leads to another trial of insubordination pending a decision. In July, four members of Parliament who supported addressing the 2017 segregation laws (Lluís Corominas, Lluís Guino, Ramona Barrufet and Anna Simó) sat on the bench for a crime that, as in the case of Torra, does not carry prison sentences, only disqualification.

ERC fee

If your ruling, which was broadcast live, was followed by the independence movement en masse, then the Parliament’s decision was a failure for the public to clarify both the entity with lesser outlook and the erosion of secession and the effects of the Coronavirus on the priority list.

Faced with the prominence of Toura and Junts in the judicial fall, two ERC figures who played a key role in 1-O await their turn: Josep Maria Jovi, plebiscite maker and right-hand man for former Vice President Oriole Junqueras, and Lluís Salvador, who filled in 2017 The position of Minister of Finance. Last February, the Turkish High Court of Justice ordered a $ 4.5 million bail, and prepared for them more serious crimes than the president’s crimes (evasive, embezzlement, divulging secrets), which may lead to imprisonment, especially given what happened to the trial leaders. In the Supreme Court.

Jovi and Salvador are deputies which is why TSJC will be judging them on a date yet to be decided. Earlier, there were two defendants in the plenary case against Consulting 1-O, which led the Court of Order No. 13 in Barcelona. What was obtained in this investigation – for example, with records at Generalitat Headquarters on September 20, 2017 – fed the Supreme Court with evidence to convict the pro-independence leaders. The process ended with 30 longtime accused, but it is in a waiting chain of waiting for a trial that does not arrive.

Despite the slow pace of base mobilization, corruption cases continue to run. This fall, the attorney general’s office will announce prison sentences it demands for former leaders of Convergència and PDeCAT (such as Germà Gordó, the right hand of Artur Maas) to charge commissions in exchange for public works. The end of the investigation into the 3% case, in July, opened a new gap between the partners. The ERC demanded that Generalitat appear as the charge in the case. The government was hesitant and argued that the legal services should be examined for the case, though Tora eventually announced that the Generalitat would show and analyze if there was any damage to the public treasury. The judge in the case is clear: there was.

The case of Laura Porras, Junts per Catalunya spokeswoman in Congress deserves a separate mention. After investigating allegations that she was awarded finger contracts when she presided over the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes, of the Generalitat, she had to testify before the Supreme Court on July 22 for evasion, fraud, embezzlement and wrongfulness. It took advantage of its right not to do so in order to “not cooperate with injustice.” Porras says he is the victim of a “trap” and refers to “the state’s sewers,” despite the fact that some of the emails about the cause are explicit and although the investigation was not carried out from Madrid, but by Moss. Far from overwhelming her image, this inclusion has earned her seamless support for the independence movement. Among other things, from President Kim Tora, with this argument: “No independent will face trial in Spain. All support, Laura Porras!”

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