Just like a Jims Mowing franchise owner watching one of his neighbors throw in synthetic grass, many Australian business leaders with multiple lines of dependence on Chinese money have viewed with contempt and frustration as bilateral relations have deteriorated beyond recognition in recent years. .
Dear Beijing openly harassed for a long time to realize that trade sanctions against Australia are symptomatic of a deeper problem that is not disappearing, and that there is very little total capitulation that our political leaders can make to return on the China side well.
Now, in light of genuine concern about Beijing’s worldview and the prospect of a decisively shifting global balance of power in China’s favor, some of the negative energy corporation Australia had accumulated over Canberras’ perceived misuse of bilateral relations is heading in the right direction. more constructive goals.
This is good news on some fronts.
That our business leaders are working hard with the government to reassess the strategic risks of the AustraliaChina trade relationship, including the costs and complexity of export diversification and China-based supply chains, signals a need, if not a desire, for act with more unity on purpose for China than we have done in the past.
That we are starting to see some Australian business elites publicly denouncing Chinas social control practices, including recent criticism from the mistreatment of mining tycoon Andrew Forrests Minderoo of the misuse of its Uighur minority population in Xinjiang province, signals a recognition of collective responsibility to more appropriately balance economic and national security considerations.
That you only see the term hawks used these days in narrowly focused articles written by the types of big businesses that claim to have come up with a serious proposal for the regulation of bilateral relations indicates a maturity in our public discourse that is belated.
Taken together, these developments are important for what they say about our ability to adapt to changing circumstances.
The message is this: we are collectively concerned about China’s nationalist rhetoric and efforts to permanently reshape the region’s strategic landscape. As much as the fragmentation along economic and national security lines that has allowed Beijing to formulate situations in ways that distort our decisions and prevent us from developing a broad consensus on critical issues is no longer the defining feature of Australian policy that it once was.
It is easy to forget how far we have come with all this.
Adopting a line of reconciliation for China would mean avoiding issues that could concern Beijing and thus potentially jeopardize our economic and trade ties. Now this means standing up for the interests of our national interests in ways that are not unnecessarily militant or provocative.
The notion that Australian business leaders might sometimes be reluctant to engage in public debate about China for fear of dismissal after apologists was simply unimaginable five years ago, when the voices of those concerned about over-reliance on China were being systematically stifled.
But here we are, in general, all in an angry agreement that the lack of a commitment to stability towards China is a luxury we can no longer afford and that there is no alternative to defending Australian sovereignty, even if we disagree with methods to do so.
Closer alignment between Australian policymakers and business leaders is an extremely good thing for Australia. The question now is whether it can stand the test of time.
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