After a campaign in which Joe Biden expressed the highest belief that he could end, or at least curb the damage caused by the coronavirus pandemic, his administration of the pandemic has left much to be desired. Go back to last fall. Biden was delivering speeches on how while he trusted vaccines in general, he did not trust Donald Trump and so was skeptical of coronavirus vaccines in particular. Bidens, the incumbent candidate, then-Senator Kamala Harris, said do not hesitate to get a vaccine that came out during Trumps term. When pressured whether she would do so if Dr. Anthony Fauci and other reputable health authorities backed her, she doubled down: They will be confused; they will be suppressed. By December, it was clear that the vaccines were actually on the verge of FDA approval, and that by the time Biden and Harris took their respective positions at the head of the executive branch, distribution would be underway. Biden received the Pfizer vaccine in the middle of the month and Harris received it shortly before the end of the years. It was right that the directors of the incoming administration should be protected. But the case remains that Biden and Harris, unfoundedly, undermined belief in a medical miracle for their own political gain and then jumped in front of the considerable line for it. After receiving the vaccine, Biden moved to the White House with a mandate to take control of the pandemic. He announced his Monday plan for national vaccination: administering 100 million shots by his 100th day in office. This was a dishonest trick for PR. During Bidens’s inauguration week, the U.S. averaged 983,000 vaccinations a day, meaning the administration was setting itself a benchmark that could already be assured it would hit. Of course, the public noticed, and almost immediately Biden was forced to increase his goal: He would now aim for an average of 1.5 million vaccines a day at the end of his first 100 days. Already, we have achieved that higher goal, and not because of the new efforts of the Biden administrations. As National Reviews Jim Geraghty reported, the Biden administrations’ vaccination plan includes new federal states, but no more vaccine doses. This is not an opportunity to expand vaccination efforts, there are already many places where people can be inoculated, but a bureaucratic hurdle that has made things more difficult for states, some of which were not even aware that the extra dose did not would be made available on new pages. Even worse, yesterday Morning Jolt noted that there is still a substantial gap between the number of vaccines provided by Pfizer and Moderna and the number of vaccines currently administered: Since this morning, according to the New York Times, Moderna and Pfizer have sent more more than 70 million doses for states, and somehow states have received only 52.8 million of those shots fired at people. The Bloomberg chart has a slightly better figure, showing that states have administered 54.6 million doses, out of roughly the same. This leaves anywhere from 15.4 to 17.2 million doses either in transit or sitting on shelves somewhere. The country is vaccinating about 1.67 million people a day according to the Times, 1.69 million a day on the Bloomberg chart. Not wonderful. The Biden administration has been similarly lacking in its approach to reopening schools. White House press secretary Jen Psaki announced last week that his goal was for 51 percent of schools to open at least one day a week. This target suffers from the same problem as the purpose of vaccination: It has already been met and overcome. About 64 percent of school districts were already offering some sort of personal guidance when Psaki spoke. The goal, given the high costs of virtual instruction for students, should be to open the remaining 36 percent and turn partial reopenings into full-time ones. To some extent, Biden walked Psakis with astonishingly lazy finger during a CNN town hall event on Tuesday, saying he thinks many of them [will be open] five days a week. The goal will be five days a week, and calling Psakis’s statement a mistake. Questions remain, however: If it was just a mistake, why did it take a week to correct it? And why is the correction so vague as to leave room for fraud? How much, exactly, do they make up for the Biden administration? Bidens’s expectation game is a symptom of a bigger problem: He never had the pandemic treatment plan he said he did. His claim to the campaign season he was making was always an act of smoke and mirrors that had more to do with tone and messages than politics. To cover the lack of tangible changes it brought to the table, the new administration has tried to flood the area with objectives already achieved and then declare their achievements as achievements. Dishonesty takes many forms, and Biden’s administration has not proven itself more outspoken than its predecessors, even though its deceptions are sometimes more artistic.
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