An old congressman once famously said that death is not necessarily a prerequisite for imposing severity. The cunning and clever characterization of a regime Congress rightly captures the current state of the Opposition as five states head to the polls and India to a summer of hectic politics.
It has been over 351 weeks since Modi Sarkar was created. In these 80 months, the BJP has ruthlessly controlled opponents and rolled to expand its trail across the attention-grabbing political landscape, expanded affiliation, is in power in 15 states and is challenging the suzerainty of regional rulers in West Bengal, Odisha and Telangana.
The opposition, in stark contrast, is in retreat against the dwarf Modi-Shah and is struggling to maintain its importance. In their preoccupation with ricocheting rhetoric, the Opposition seems trapped in a prison that constantly waits for Modi to err. The opposition has liberated the arena of competing ideas. Surprisingly, she has an identity crisis.
Political affiliation relies on what a party opposes, but essentially relies on what the party represents. Opposition parties are unhindered by the people and the public purpose. To enable mass mobilization, parties must evolve to reinvent themselves – where they stand with the government for the public good and what is the competing idea that separates them from the BJP.
Individual charisma matters. But it is the ideas that define the individual and create the charisma. The success of the Republican Party under Ronald Reagan was based on a board of an alternative vision of America wrapped in Reaganesque charisma. Tony Blair reconstructed the Labor Party to broaden its vision of what lay in British politics even at the risk of being dubbed “Tory” Blair and secured victory.
On the eve of the 2014 elections, Narendra Modi arrived with the Gujarat Model and an alternative vision for India. The campaign was designed in such a way that people chose to see in him what they were looking for. Modi’s approach to public policy is entrepreneurial and relies on what brings political dividends either pro-poor policy programming in the first term, or the opening of the agro-sector and the promise of privatization in 2021. The ideological board drawn up by Modi stretches by Garibi Hatao in Thatcherism and is the scaffolding of aggressive nationalism and Hindutva.
It is not that BJP has always understood it correctly. He had a series of implications from 2004 to 2012. He had a desperate view on public policy in FDI, retail and even partnered with the Left in opposing the nuclear deal and the infamous vote of confidence. But, she recreated herself around ‘Moditva’.
As with nuclear physics, social science requires the need to unite the catalyst, conditions and critical mass for a chain reaction in politics, this translates as a catalytic idea to gain a critical mass and organizational muscle to mobilize affiliation.
Congress lacks leadership and its organization is falling apart. Regional satraps hold vague notions and national ambitions. Neither has shown the ability to present an alternative vision.
Get agitated against farm laws. Almost every party has criticized restrictions that harm agriculture and has proposed / supported reforms at one time or another. However, no party or coalition has presented an alternative solution or bill that preserves farmers’ rights without harming the potential. Similarly, regardless of whether it is Article 370, or the CAA or the NRC, the parties have expressed disagreement but are disappointed with the alternatives.
The Congress Party resides in a separate universe. Its members are obsessed with who they will follow and not what they represent. It remains to be seen whether his leader is coming or going – it is seven years since the 2013 coronation in Jaipur appropriate contextual. It seems that the observation after the coronation ‘power is poison’ weighs heavily on the party.
His articulation of disagreement on socio-political issues is self-destructive. Its leader promises to protect Tamil interests in Chennai, forgetting the IPKF chapter of the 1980s and the 1963 Indian-imposed declaration that expelled him from the state. She has accused BJP of being anti-minority in its programs and policies. Ideally, the charge of selective exclusion is best represented by invoking the guarantee of equality provided for in the Constitution. This though did not occur to the party immersed in tokenism of the 42nd Amendment. Her idiom of disagreement echoes last year’s thinking.
His choices on economic policies reflect confusion and break with popular aspirations. She herself has opposed the farm law reforms she proposed in her manifesto. The party has reason to worry that its stance on disinvestment in 2021 is exactly the stance of the Left Front in the 1990s – and this is not surprising since the party which started liberalization in 1991 also set up a committee in 1998 as a section that believed the reforms were anti-poor.
The era of politics as the CSR arm of family businesses is finally over. Success in politics requires more than electoral appearances. BJP under Modi is a ruthless 24×7 machine focused on dominating and expanding an idea. Challenge requires total commitment and competitive ideas
Author of Port Republic, Aadhaar: A Biometric History of the 12-Digit Revolution of India and Accidental India [email protected]
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