Israeli leaders have paid almost no public attention to the Palestinian election, although it could produce a united Palestinian leadership that could present a common front in peace negotiations with Israel. Conversely, if the vote gives Hamas a greater role within the Palestinian Authority, it could also affect Israel’s ability to coordinate with the Palestinian Authority as Hamas does not recognize Israel and is considered a terrorist group by Israel and most of the the international community.
In contrast, many Palestinians hold a close watch on Israeli politics, said Professor Abusada, who said it was a sad thing to see the Israeli election entrenched in such a repetitive loop. But at least Israelis had the opportunity to vote so often, he said. We have not been able for a long time, he added. This makes us feel cynical about our political system that we are unable to make any changes.
Within the confines of Palestinian politics, the prospect of elections has nevertheless shaken some of the alliances and assumptions of previously dead Palestinian politics. For the first time in years, Palestinians can imagine the dormant Parliament buildings in Ramallah and Gaza being brought back to life. And Fatah, the longtime engine of the Palestinian national movement, now faces challenges not only from Hamas but from other parts of secular Palestinian society.
Confirmed or potential challengers include Salam Fayyad, a former prime minister of the Palestinian Authority; Mohammed Dahlan, a former Fatah security chief who now lives in exile in the UAE; and Nasser al-Kidwa, a former Palestinian envoy to the United Nations and nephew of Yasir Arafat, Mr Abbas’s predecessor.
The three said they wanted to help find new alliances to compete against Fatah and Hamas, while allies of Marwan Barghouti, an influential Fatah militant jailed in Israel on five counts of murder, said he was considering it.
In Gaza, Hamas faces a threat from a generation of young Palestinians trying to find work. The unemployment rate in Gaza exceeds about 50 percent, mainly due to the blockade that Israel has placed in the enclave to undermine Hamas military activity and the production of missiles. If Hamas were to be replaced by a unity government, some Ghazans hope, the new leadership could ease at least some of the tensions with Israel and improve living conditions.
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