Reviews | Defeating Vladimir Putin in the war in Ukraine will require greater American risks

Russia’s war on Ukraine, which many experts expected to last less than a week, has entered its third month, a good time to take stock of both the results so far and the plans of the United States and its allies for the future. On the first point, there are many positives. Thanks in large part to the courage and dedication of the Ukrainian people and armed forces, Russia was not only denied a quick victory, but was also pushed back from the capital, kyiv, and forced to regroup and concentrate its offensive efforts on eastern and southern Ukraine. The United States and its NATO allies have shifted from a strategy based on the likelihood of a quick Russian victory to a strategy aimed at helping Ukraine fight surprisingly hard and thwart one goals of Russian President Vladimir Putin, the alliance has remained united. Not only that, he has toughened his stance on economic sanctions, with even reluctant Germany preparing to back a ban on Russian oil imports. Far from splitting under Russian pressure, NATO could soon expand, with the likely inclusion of Finland and Sweden.

And yet, a longer and more costly military struggle looms. Russia’s objective is to push west from its redoubts in Crimea and Donbass, eventually breaking through and encircling Ukrainian forces. Stopping this is why Ukraine needed an immediate infusion of heavy weapons; allowing Ukraine to go on the counter-offensive later this spring and summer is why it will still need it in the weeks to come. Thus, President Bidens’ request for $33 billion in new aid for Ukraine, of which $20 billion will be military, was not only appropriate but urgent, and Congress should respond accordingly. Coupled with the recent approval of a revived lend-lease system, Mr. Bidens’ proposal puts the United States in a position to support Ukraine for the long term.

With long-term commitment comes long-term danger. As the complexity of Mr. Putin’s situation, military and political, grows, so does his tendency to simplify it through even greater use of force or the threat of force. -this. Hence Moscow’s recent attempts at energy blackmail against Europe, its recasting of war as a proxy battle between Russia and NATO, and its allusions to the use of nuclear weapons. Mr. Putin’s own remark on Wednesday that Russia would react quickly to unacceptable outside intervention is the kind of vague threat the United States can neither give in to nor ignore. When past US policy failed in Ukraine, it was often because, fearing to provoke Mr. Putin, it did not do enough to deter him. Clearly, the Biden administration must not err in the opposite direction now. But the record of the war so far, including Europe’s admirable determination to seek new sources of energy, justifies a policy of maximum firmness. The goal of Mr. Putin’s war is not simply to conquer Ukraine but to overthrow the international order itself. It is worth accepting the costs and taking the risks to ensure that Russia fails and emerges from the conflict unable to carry out such aggression again.

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Editorials represent the opinions of The Washington Post as an institution, as determined by debate among members of the Editorial Board, based in the Opinions section and separate from the newsroom.

Editorial Board Members and Focus Areas: Karen Tumulty, Associate Editorial Page Editor; Ruth Marcus, Associate Editorial Page Editor; Jo-Ann Armao, Associate Editorial Page Editor (Education, DC Affairs); Jonathan Capehart (National Policy); Lee Hockstader (immigration; issues affecting Virginia and Maryland); David E. Hoffman (global public health); Charles Lane (foreign affairs, national security, international economy); Heather Long (economics); Molly Roberts (technology and society); and Stephen Stromberg (elections, White House, Congress, legal affairs, energy, environment, health).

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