Germany, orphan by us, shakes up the shock and stir to the action

The United States has given Germany its democracy and constitution. He supported German reunification when France and Great Britain had doubts. He has some 35,000 soldiers in Germany, dedicated to the defense of Europe.

But President Trump and his administration now see Europe as an adversary, NATO as a burden and Russia as an II. Vice-president JD Vance and Elon Musk have taken support of a far-right party with neonazi members who wish to undermine the German government and supports Russia's objectives in Ukraine.

Germany, perhaps more than any other European country, feels drifting, orphan and even betrayed by its nearest ally. But if the Germans were pushed out of the nest, they also start to answer, in the middle of research and deep questions about future and Europe.

The greatest indication that the shock is to give way to action came this week, while the German parliament voted to loosen the long aversion of the country to debt so that it can start to rebuild a military infrastructure and a domestic infrastructure which had neglected.

It was a revolutionary stage, given taboos on German militarism. However, it is the one that the Germans and the other Europeans know that they must take to adapt to a new hostility from Russia and the United States.

Joschka Fischer, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, radical left in his youth and now a faithful from the Green Party, said that I have always had a complicated relationship with the United States, which was far from perfect, but the United States was still the brilliant city on the hill.

But now, he said, we have lost not only the power that has protected us, but also the guiding star in the sky.

Europe must rearm in response, he said. German leadership is essential to do so, although many on the continent still insist that Europeans must, as Mr. Fischer said, continue with our close alliance with the United States, while becoming as strong as possible to dissuade Russia.

He, like many others, sees a period of vulnerability before Europe can better manage for itself.

For Norbert Rttgen, deputy for Christian Democrats in the center-right, the break with Washington is already deep, with consequences that are both urgent and large-scale. It is the end of the European Peace Order, he noted.

We have come to the conclusion that we must do European security by ourselves, said Rttgen, and it is an emergency because we have war in Europe.

Europeans are at different stages of adaptation to what they fear, it is the loss of their American ally. The initial shock has given way to a feeling of mobilization, said Thomas Bagger, a senior official of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

It was a sudden feeling of being alone, a little orphan, he said. But now there is a little more a safe line. We understand that Europe is now what remains of the West, and this is particularly important for Germany.

Washington's feeling of betrayal is perhaps the strongest among the Germans who grew up in the first decades after the Second World War. There is no other country in Europe which is as much a product of an American policy in the post-war period as Germany, said Bagger, born in 1965. The shock is therefore deeper here.

Germany has integrated in the European Union war for inner prosperity and NATO for security, and the Germans have developed almost a religious belief in the importance of an international community of shared values ​​and worked to strengthen it.

Confronting an American administration which says that there is no international community but that only nation states compete for prosperity and power is an existential challenge for Germany, said Bagger.

At the same time, he agreed with Mr. Fischer that Germany should not break with Washington or do anything to accelerate the rupture. It will take time to replace the United States in defense and development aid, said Bagger. Well, always work for the better, but no longer founds our future by assuming that things will happen as before.

Trump's shock can also be considered a salutary, trembling Germany from his long complacency, argued Wolfgang Ischinger, a former German ambassador to the United States and Great Britain.

If NATO has become greater and stronger in response to President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and his invasion of Ukraine, then the antagonism of Mr. Trump, Mr. Vance and Mr. Musk to the European Union will only strengthen the cohesion of continents, he said.

If there was a chance for Europe to meet on security, it is now, said Mr. Ischinger.

As for Germany, there is the feeling that the uncle Sam of confidence and generous now suffers from dementia and does not recognize us or our enormous mutual interest, said Mr. Ischinger. I always thought that we had enough local anti-Americanism in this country without adding it.

Trump antagonism serves the interests of those who would like to see more anti-Americanism here, including our Russian friends, he said.

The will of a German government that comes to spend enormous sums to modernize the Germans of Germanys is a direct and appropriate response to Washington, I Ischinger said. For the first time in several months, people can say that we have done something.

There is a quieter concern for the European balance of powers. The American engagement in Europe was an important balm for anxieties concerning the power of a gathered Germany, and these anxieties can return, said Jan Techau, former German Defense official and analyst at the Eurasia group.

The question of who was the big boy in Europe was answered by the United States, he said. But what happens when the United States retires and the question of the European hegemon rises again? This will make European policy much more complicated.

There is no real way to replace the United States, despite all European speeches, he said.

Mr. Techau is also concerned about an open vulnerability window in any transition far from the involvement of the United States in European security.

If we get a dirty business in Ukraine and an escalation of the trade war and Putin, survey or the climbing of the hybrid war in Germany and Trump decides to withdraw certain American troops, said Techau, then it will really begin to appear on people that we are alone there, and alone in Europe as a non-nuclear power.

Of course, for some Germans, a break with Washington would also give a feeling of release. There were always conservatives who felt, like Mr. Vance, that America was too disruptive as a lighthouse of modernism; On the left, there was a desire to get out of under the capitalist giant.

During the federal elections in recent months, more than 34% of Germans voted for parties with strong anti-American feelings. And in a survey this month, only 16% of Germans declared that they had trusted the United States as an ally, against 85% for France and 78% for Great Britain. Some 10% said they had confidence in Russia.

The Germans like to debate and delay decisions, but they then act with meticulousness, said JD BINDENAGEL, a former American ambassador to Germany who teaches at Bonn University.

The Germans feel abandoned and betrayed, and they know that they are weak in terms of defense and cannot move away immediately, he said. But when you strive to trust, it is difficult to restore. They don't come back.

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