Donald Trump does not have a mandate to radically remake America

When he declared victory in this month's election, Donald Trump told his supporters that the American public had given him a powerful and unprecedented mandate. And that’s certainly what happened: not only was he on his way to a swing state sweep and an even bigger Electoral College victory than in 2016; he had also won the popular vote, the first Republican to do so in two decades and the second since 1988. America could have been stuck with Trump eight years ago. But this time, it seems, voters chose him.

But as ballots have been counted in the weeks since Election Day, Trump's popular vote has led and the mandate he has claimed as a result has gradually shrunk. Powerful? Barely. Trump is on track to win the popular vote by the narrowest margin since 2000, when Al Gore beat George W. Bush but lost in the Electoral College. It also appears that the president-elect's vote share will eventually fall below 50 percent. His unexpected gains this cycle do not signal a new silent majority; it is rather a noisy plurality.

This remains a stain on the country and on a Democratic Party which, for the second time in three cycles, managed to lose to this particularly incompetent and dangerous demagogue. And Trump still won decisively: more voters chose him than Kamala Harris and rewarded, rather than repudiated, the Republican Party that he remade in his image with majorities in both houses of Congress. He and his party undoubtedly had power during this cycle.

But empowered to do what, exactly?

Trump seems to believe that this means he can do whatever he wants, as evidenced by cabinet picks like Pete Hegseth, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Linda McMahon and Tulsi Gabbard, who appear to have been chosen for their roles in based on their loyalty and willingness to do what they want. blowing up the system, and the fact that Trump sees them a lot on TV.

He's already hit one obstacle: Matt Gaetz, the alleged sex trafficker vilified even within his own party, withdrew his name from Trump's attorney general post on Thursday, amid uncertain support from Senate Republicans, suggesting that even they have their limits. Senators have a responsibility to provide advice and consent, as South Dakota Republican Mike Rounds told Politico, and in this particular case I think advice was offered rather than consent. .

Which does not mean that they will not accept other radical choices unworthy of Trump; in fact, with the Gaetz concession, the prospects of companies like Gabbard could be improved. And, of course, whatever friction Trump encounters on Capitol Hill with his nominees, he will almost certainly have far less of it when it comes to his agenda. But a mandate from congressional Republicans is not the same as a mandate from the public: Almost as many voters voted against him as for him. And even among those who supported him, some parts of his agenda, like ending Obamacare, remain unpopular, while other aspects, like mass deportations and the decimation of the administrative state, could become so. once put into practice.

That may not matter much to a man with autocratic ambitions and who has been emboldened by Republicans and the conservative Supreme Court to pursue them. And that shouldn't be an excuse for Democrats to avoid accountability to their party: Trump may not have as much support as he claims, but Democrats still haven't been able to beat him. They must be clear-headed about this.

It is nevertheless important to be clear-eyed about the true magnitude of his victory: it was a decisive victory, but it was not a mandate to overthrow America. It was not a mandate for him to act on his every impulse. It wasn't about reshaping American democracy in the same way he reshaped the Republican Party. His opponents should not let him pretend otherwise.

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