Donald Trump Can’t Use the Abraham Accords to Sell a Bad Iran Deal

Suddenly, US President Donald Trump mentions the Abraham Accords treaties between Israel and Arab and Islamic countries.

On Wednesday, he suggested he might not sign a deal ending the war with Iran if the United States’ Arab partners in the region do not agree to recognize Israel. Trump cited Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Kuwait among countries expected to join the Abraham Accords – which in 2020 established diplomatic relations between Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, later joined by Morocco and Kazakhstan.

“I think they owe us that, to be honest,” Trump said. “I’m not sure we should make a deal [with Iran] if they don’t sign.

I’m all for more Abraham Accord partners, but Trump is mistaken if he thinks such advances can sweeten a bad deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran — one that could leave the regime with much of its enriched uranium and nuclear and missile production facilities, and that would give it tens of billions of dollars in sanctions relief and leave it under de facto control of the Strait of Hormuz.

No, a thaw in Indonesian relations with Israel or a Pakistani or Saudi smile towards Israel cannot compensate for a bad deal with Iran.

Such US-brokered delights would be of no consolation. Not even a crazy price. Neither Israeli nor Arab leaders in the region are so gullible. No one will be appeased by nice handshakes on the White House lawn. No one will consider them a sufficient or substantial conclusion to the US military campaign to cripple Iran.

Trump must crush Iran more decisively, period. Only on top of this could new Abraham Accord treaties be seen as very fine improvements to the situation in the Middle East.

Three central strategic considerations underpin this assessment.

First, nothing is more important than ending Iran’s hegemonic march to control the Middle East, intimidate the West and its Western allies in the region, and annihilate Israel. Operations Roaring Lion and Epic Fury as well as the 12-day war against Iran in 2025 have come a long way in this direction, but the work is incomplete.

America and Israel have the capacity to roll back Islamic rule much further, and the collapse of the radical clerical system in Tehran is also within reach. The military and economic siege of Iran is truly effective, and additional strikes against that country’s energy and internal security centers could tip the mullahs over the cliff.

The Abraham Accords lay the foundation for a transformed Middle East

Trump should not back down now. He certainly shouldn’t try to sell us a JCPOA Mark II deal (a reheated and slightly varnished version of President Barack Hussein Obama’s rotten 2015 nuclear deal with Iran) with a cherry on top of the Abraham Accords.

The second strategic consideration is the seriousness of the Abraham Accords. They were and truly remain the foundation of a transformed Middle East; exciting and promising foundations for Arab-Israeli peace and regional stability, as well as for the ideological rehabilitation of the interior of the Arab world towards modernity, moderation and tolerance.

In other words, the agreements are too significant and substantial, too courageous and consequential, to be treated as watery ice intended to iron out defeat in the Persian Gulf.

You cannot whitewash the survival and strengthening of the ayatollahs with diplomatic statements that simply promise a reduction in hostilities toward Israel.

Again, give us a real victory over Iran, then give us more real partnerships under the Abraham Accords. Faking either would be a big mistake.

The third strategic consideration is that the Trump administration, for all its courageous and forceful confrontation with Iran, has blinders on the double-dealing and backstabbing of Saudi Arabia and Turkey – as well as Pakistan. Both countries have undermined the American and Israeli war effort, and neither is close to or worthy of strengthening relations with Israel.

Mohammed Bin Salman (MBS) of Saudi Arabia refused the right to use the US air force in his country for an attack on Iran and did not contribute to the war effort with his own US-supplied air force – unlike his courageous counterpart Mohammed Bin Zayed of the United Arab Emirates.

MBS also didn’t really support US efforts to drive Hamas from Gaza and Hezbollah from Lebanon.

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish dictator, supported Iran, not the United States, throughout the war in multiple ways, while continuing to support Hamas and undermining American attempts to pull Syria out of the radical Islamist camp.

Peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia? Yes, this has been the holy grail of regional peacemaking since the dawn of the Abraham Accords, but now it seems not only distant but unworthy.

At this point, the Saudis need Israel more than Israel needs them, and the ungrateful Gulf kingdom does not deserve Israeli kudos.

Israel should not pay a ridiculous price for rapprochement with Riyadh. He certainly should not bow to Saudi Arabia’s outrageous demand for a Palestinian state like the cost of an embassy staffed in Tel Aviv with an MBS representative; certainly not after October 7 and Saudi Arabia’s weariness with Hamas and Iran.

In short, Trump should not treat the Abraham Accords as candy to cover up his capitulation to Mojtaba Khamenei, the IRGC, and whoever might be in charge in Tehran today.

Strike now to piss off Iran; save the sweet frosting for later.

The writer is a research director at the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy, based in Jerusalem. The opinions expressed here are his own. His columns on diplomacy, defense, politics and the Jewish world over the past 30 years are available at davidmweinberg.com.

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