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White House downplays Chinese concerns over possible shift in US nuclear strategy

Seoul, South Korea
White House officials appeared to downplay Beijing's sense Wednesday that it is seriously concerned about the release of a report that the United States recently approved a secret plan to shift some of the focus of its nuclear strategy away from Russia to confront Beijing's nuclear weapons buildup.
The guidance issued earlier this year is not a response to any particular entity, country or threat, National Security Council spokesman Sean Savett told VOA in response to emailed questions. We have repeatedly expressed our concerns about Russia's advancing nuclear arsenals, [China] And [North Korea].
The most recent guidance builds on that issued by previous administrations: there is much more continuity than change, he said.
Savett did not provide details of the new strategy, but noted that while the specific text of the guidelines is classified, their existence is by no means secret.
On Tuesday evening, the New York Times reported that US President Joe Biden had approved in March a new nuclear employment guide, a highly classified document outlining how the United States would use nuclear weapons in a potential conflict.
The report said the document, updated every four years, refocuses U.S. nuclear deterrence strategy to address China's massive expansion of its nuclear arsenal. The document also directs U.S. forces to prepare for the possibility of coordinated nuclear challenges from China, Russia and North Korea, the report said.
Asked about the report at a press briefing on Wednesday, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson accused the United States of peddling the narrative of China's nuclear threat and making excuses to seek strategic advantage.
“China is seriously concerned about the relevant report, and facts have fully proved that the United States has been constantly stirring up the so-called Chinese nuclear threat theory in recent years,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Mao Ning said.
Russia has not responded to the report.
For decades, U.S. nuclear policy has focused primarily on Russia, the only other country with comparable nuclear weapons capabilities.
However, U.S. officials are increasingly warning that the buildup of China's nuclear program under President Xi Jinping is progressing faster than expected.
In an unclassified document released late last year, the Pentagon estimated that the Chinese military had more than 500 operational warheads in its arsenal and would possess more than 1,000 by 2030.
By comparison, the United States has a nuclear arsenal of about 3,700 active warheads, according to estimates compiled by the U.S.-based Arms Control Association.
Russia has about 4,380 nuclear warheads, including about 1,550 on strategic delivery systems, according to estimates cited by the group.
Given these numbers, Russia remains the primary driver of U.S. nuclear strategy, Daryl G. Kimball, director of the Arms Control Association, said in a post on the social media site X.
The Times report exaggerates the changes outlined in the U.S. nuclear weapons guidance document, according to Kimball, who insisted there has been no shift from Russia to China.
Despite China's nuclear expansion, Russia's arsenal far exceeds China's, even after Xi Jinping's ambitious plan is completed. Until that changes, the focus will remain on Russia's arsenal, said Hans Kristensen, director of the Nuclear Information Project at the Federation of American Scientists.
But plans against China are increasing, as the document reflects, Kristensen added in a message on X.
U.S. officials have publicly referred to the nuclear weapons document at least twice, without providing many details about its contents.
In June, Pranay Vaddi, the White House National Security Council's senior director for arms control and nonproliferation, said the new guidance underscores the need to address the growth and diversity of China's nuclear arsenal, as well as the need to simultaneously deter Russia, China and North Korea.
According to Vaddi, the United States will continue to seek to restrict nuclear weapons with Russia and China, but without changing Russia's trajectory, [China]and North Korea are on the move, the United States will need to continue to adjust its posture and capabilities to ensure its ability to deter and achieve other objectives in the future.
Vipin Narang, a nuclear security specialist at MIT who until recently focused on nuclear policy at the Pentagon, said earlier this month that Biden recently issued updated guidance on the use of nuclear weapons to account for multiple nuclear-armed adversaries and, in particular, the significant increase in the size and diversity of [Chinas] nuclear arsenal.
It is our responsibility to see the world as it is, not as we hoped or wished it would be, Narang said. It is possible that one day we will look back and view the quarter-century since the Cold War as a period of nuclear transition.
U.S. and Chinese officials frequently discuss the dangers of nuclear war, but efforts to engage in dialogue on the issue have failed.
Last year, U.S. and Chinese officials agreed to negotiate on nuclear nonproliferation and arms control, ahead of a meeting between Biden and Xi Jinping. But China suspended the talks last month, citing U.S. arms sales to the self-ruled island of Taiwan, which Beijing claims as its own.
Many analysts are also concerned about the growing military and diplomatic cooperation between Russia and China. In 2022, Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to an unlimited partnership and have recently expanded their joint military exercises and other forms of cooperation.
Earlier this year, Russia also restored a Cold War-era mutual defense treaty with nuclear-armed North Korea and hinted at deeper defense cooperation.
Since his 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Putin has repeatedly made thinly veiled threats to use nuclear weapons against Western-backed forces in that country.
VOA White House correspondent Anita Powell contributed to this report from Washington.
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