DEM party will be more visible in western Turkey, says co-chair Tuncer Bakrhan

Nergis Demirkaya / DUVAR

The co-chair of the pro-Kurdish Turkish People's Equality and Democracy Party (DEM), Tuncer Bakırhan, gave an interview to Gazete Duvar on May 24.

Bakırhan said they would be more visible in the western provinces in the coming period.

Commenting on the verdicts in the Kobanê case, Bakırhan said that the so-called “normalization” process, recently mentioned by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan after the AKP's defeat in local elections, excludes the Kurds.

Below is the full translation of Bakırhan's interview.

Heavy sentences were handed down in the Kobanê case. How do you assess these convictions which arrive at a time when the normalization process is being discussed?

We said from the beginning that Kobanê was not a legal matter, but a political matter, just like the verdicts. The fact that the Kurds are being punished by a political trial has made it clear that they are excluding us and that they have no intention (of normalization). The fact that this coincides with the so-called “normalization” process means that “the Kurds are excluded.” I think the state is referring to seeking normalization with the Republican People's Party (CHP).

How will this affect your roadmap for the new period?

We come from a political tradition that already works on many fronts. On one side there are festivals, on the other there are demonstrations and gatherings. The Kobanê verdicts have sharpened us a little more. Discussions took place at the local level about whether the AKP would move towards a more democratic platform after its defeat in the local elections. The verdicts eliminated those expectations. It also clarified the minds of our friends who had this thought in mind. We will not let go, we will carry out very intensive work on the national and international scene.

What are you going to do?

In many countries, meetings will take place with democratic organizations, political parties and government sources with whom we are in contact. Our approach to the matter and our demands will be translated into many languages. Internally, we will try to explain this issue to the broadest sections of the population through meetings and rallies. (The government) has created a perception of (us) as murderers and looters. But it turned out that it was neither murder nor looting. This is a case in which everyone should be completely acquitted. They invented a crime called “contribution to the crime of disrupting the unity of the state and the integrity of the country”. No one has been convicted under such an article. This decision is expected to be overturned during the appeal process.

In his first assessment, President Erdoğan referred to the events of October 6-8 and said: “Justice has been done.” What does this statement mean despite the acquittal of these charges?

I think that the presidency is not monitoring the situation sufficiently and that it has not taken into account the court's verdict. Yasin Börü and other allegations are not included in the verdicts. They have been dealing with this perception for 7-8 years. We will try to destroy this perception. Not just for Kobanê; we will also organize events and panels that will cover all cases such as Gezi, Soma, Suruç and the October 10 bombings.

Harsh statements came from the MHP regarding the Kobanê case. They demanded the closure of the DEM party and the lifting of parliamentary immunities. Do you see a difference in tone in the statements of the two parties (AKP-MHP), and if so, why?

The MHP is a spoiler in Türkiye. This is its entire role and mission. If there is something to say and something to do in a democratic sense, he clearly expresses his position. I think the MHP is fulfilling its mission.

Bahçeli constantly gives instructions to the judiciary in his parliamentary group speeches. I wish there was a democratic justice system that could put everyone on a scale and judge them. We are ready. I have been in this business for 34 years, they have told me the same things over and over again, but nothing has happened. It is understandable to us, but not very understandable, that a political party that works hand in hand with mafia organizations, a political party that pardons its prisoners and uses the power of the judiciary in this regard, mentions the DEM 24 party hours a day.

We hear only punishment and evil from a constantly threatening party. We have seen what normalization is, but the AKP must also decide now. The government has a different message. One (the AKP) says they have been punished, the other (the MHP) says it is not enough.

Is this a break up ? Can it be “good cop-bad cop”?

This reflects tension. In Van's case, there was a big gap between the speeches of very important figures from the AKP and those from the MHP. There is tension and I think this partnership is not going well. I don't know where this will evolve, but I think it would be useful to evolve.

Former HDP co-president Selahattin Demirtaş criticized his party and spoke of political “tics” in his statement after the verdicts in the Kobanê case were announced. You recently visited Demirtaş. Was this issue discussed at the meeting, what did you discuss?

During the meeting, we mainly talked about the Kobanê case and what needed to be done. We talked about building the coming process together in solidarity. -Please do not take this as a reference to his remarks.- We are a party where many of our precious friends have been in prison. We can move this process forward in common spirit with our friends behind bars and outside. This was also expressed by Figen Yüksekdağ and Selahattin Demirtaş. Prisons as well as outside are zones of struggle. We must unite more strongly.

Did Demirtaş have any suggestions for the new period?

We will have stronger dialogue and contact with our friends in prison. We will fight our common struggle together. The public will see it too. The fact that they are in prison should not mean that they are politically inactive, we do not consider them as such. We are partners in a common struggle.

We tried to do something within the limits of our conditions and our means. We are conscientiously clear about this. Hundreds of our friends have been detained and arrested over the past two days. We do not live in easy political conditions. It is not immediately possible to mobilize our real potential. But we're trying to break that. Our friends have suggestions and reviews. They are right, we agree, we need to do more. The most important outcome of our meetings is to act together.

After the local elections on March 31, we entered a period of 4 years without elections. What type of roadmap do you have?

First, we will organize; second, we will expand our alliance. We have reached a limit in Kurdistan in this area. In the coming days you will see us more to the west. Our paradigm is not a paradigm that will only adapt to the Kurdish provinces. Our party has had a serious opportunity for expansion over the past period. With urban consensus, with the reflection of popular will in government. We have the most conscious and principled base in the country. These are a great advantage.

The question of what we will do in the new period is important. Rest assured, we will be more in Manisa, Bursa and Edirne. We will stand alongside the poor and the retired, and we will do politics with an attitude and approach that shatters current perception.

Even though you ran candidates in the West, you received fewer votes than in previous elections. Istanbul is the most striking example. Do you think your voters opposed your decision, how do you interpret this attitude?

They are trying to usurp our will by having illegal voters vote in many cities. They put our will in jail and filed a complaint for closure (of the party). Now, would a Karsite or Ardahanite living in Istanbul want a government that leads illegal voters to win? Our people acted strategically in accordance with our speech.

If Kılıçdaroğlu had remained at the head of the CHP, our strategy would have been different. We will recall his protocol with Ümit Özdağ. If the AKP had not recruited illegal voters, the outcome would have been different. The AKP should therefore first question itself. They lost Turkey to take three or four Kurdish cities. They lost Bursa and Balıkesir to take a Kars. Kurdish voters are not going anywhere. They didn't support the AKP, they voted elsewhere because they wanted the AKP to lose.

Did you achieve the desired result in the local elections?

I think we are so successful.

How do you assess the “normalization-softening” debates that began after the elections?

Would it have been like this if the AKP had succeeded? The balance of power has changed, which has changed the climate. Something happened for the good of Turkey. The AKP cannot continue like this. The constitution will have to be changed. Because he does not want to confer this (presidential) authority to the candidate of another party in the next elections. What will he do if administrators are appointed by decree-law on his assets and on Bilal Erdoğan's ships?

They have to change it even if we say we don't want to. The results of the local elections are not the result of a tidal wave. They are the result of poverty and injustices created by the AKP. During the previous local elections in Ankara, they said: “If the CHP comes, they will cut aid.” On the contrary, (the CHP) increased aid. Imagine this continuing exponentially with new municipalities. The new voters are mostly young and Kurdish. It's the same in Afyon and Hakkari. Young and Kurdish. I think they don't take it into account. So it continues exponentially. The AKP has no chance of continuing yesterday's approach.

We have followed polarized politics for many years. Could Erdoğan become even tougher?

This concern exists in Turkish society. But the AKP is now Türkiye's second largest party. In the case of Van (refusal to give the mayoralty to the DEM party candidate), the attitude of the actors within the AKP was more democratic than that of the main opposition party. We have seen the statements of Hayati Yazıcı and Hüseyin Çelik. Only if Erdoğan presents a more inclusive approach instead of a monist-Turkish approach will people think twice. They might say, “Look, he learned a lesson, he’s taking action, he’s changing.” the oppressor no longer pays. It is the people who decide now, not Erdoğan.

You mentioned work on justice and poverty. What kind of work will it be?

As a party, we will base our line of struggle in the coming period on the fight against poverty and the search for justice. Turkey's most important problems are poverty and justice. Even people earning an average salary cannot afford basic groceries.

(English version by Alperen Şen)