Can JD Vance serve both God and Donald Trump?

The book’s central thread is a conversion story: Vance tells the story of his abandonment of his maternal grandmother’s Christian faith and his return to Christianity through Catholicism. He makes it a call to action, urging American society to reclaim its putative roots in Christianity and its morals. An emerging politician’s embrace of the Christian faith sets a clear precedent in American politics: Barack Obama, who, in a climactic moment in “Dreams from My Father” (1995), found himself in a church on Chicago’s South Side, moved to tears by Reverend Jeremiah Wright’s sermon on “the audacity of hope” — a phrase that became the title of his presidential campaign book (although he later left Wright’s church, following some controversy). remarks the reverend). The religious backgrounds of the two men are of course very different. Obama’s “search for concrete meaning in his life as a black American” involved the black church, which receives little attention in Vance’s sketch of America’s Christian roots. But Vance, like Obama, uses his personal faith to tie his underdog narrative to a larger story of American purpose.

Although some pages of the book are devoted to issues of sexual morality that Christian politicians typically address, Vance places greater emphasis on philosophy and theology. The pages on these topics are a collection of theo-conservative greatest hits and an evocation of a world different from Trumpism. The two pillars of conservative Christian thought are here: CS Lewis (whose “collected works” – several dozen books – Vance says he “re-read”) and GK Chesterton (whose account of the human person as both angel and beast, he explains, “felt right to me and still does”). The same goes for Job, Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, Pascal and his Wager, as well as a 19th-century Catholic prayer to St. Michael the Archangel, asking him to “Defend us in battle, be our protection against the wickedness and snares of the devil.” (The prayer can be found on Hallow, a Catholic prayer app popular among traditionalist Catholics, which Vance invested in, in 2020, through Narya Capital, a venture capital firm he co-founded with funding from, among others, Peter Thiel.)

On a number of counts, Vance’s conversion story is right on trend. He received his tutelage in Catholicism from some friars in the Dominican order — the same order that recently attracted press for cultivating a thriving “theo-brother” culture in a Greenwich Village parish, centered on Sunday evening masses for eight hundred and fifty worshippers, mostly stylish young social media enthusiasts, followed by a wine evening, called In Vino Veritas, in the church basement. A revelation Vance had about the enduring power of Christianity during his first visit to St. Peter’s Basilica last April – “Here in Rome it was obvious: Caesar was dead. Christ still lived” – is told in terms similar to those used by Robert Barron, a Catholic bishop who rose to prominence through videos and social media and is a regular at the Trump White House. A section on the relationship between industrialized countries’ birth rates and their levels of religious affiliation is informed by Catholic new natalists, who urge couples married in the West to have large families, in part to compensate for large families in the Global South. There’s also a tribute to Rod Dreher, the conservative author of “The Benedict Option,” a widely discussed book that proposes that Christians must create distinct subcultures, away from the toxic mainstream of thriving secular societies. Dreher was the first writer to publicize Vance’s conversion, through an online interview in 2019.

Surprisingly, Vance even tips his hat to “Rerum Novarum,” an 1891 encyclical from Pope Leo XIII. Written in response to the rapid changes brought about by industrial capitalism, the encyclical is claimed by progressive and conservative Catholics as a charter of their approaches. Progressives cite an emphasis on the dignity of work and workers, and the need for government to regulate working conditions that threaten that dignity. Vance says he read the encyclical while still in a phase of “Christian curiosity.” Unsurprisingly, he takes a conservative view, which emphasizes the role of “mediating institutions” that help people help each other and that government should sponsor rather than regulate or replace. “This idea that we all exist in particular spheres of family, community, and so on, in building a nation, is called subsidiarity,” Vance writes. “And he recognizes that every sphere of life depends on others. It is very difficult to be a good father without a decent salary and the support of friends, community and church.” After giving his summary of the encyclical, Vance states that “it seemed more accurate to me than any theory of human nature I have ever read.” »

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