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The Myanmar earthquake has killed more than 3,700 people, but it brought the opportunity to the leaders of the two soldiers

The Myanmar earthquake has killed more than 3,700 people, but it brought the opportunity to the leaders of the two soldiers


CNN –

Earthquakes are destroyed for those who lost their loved ones, homes and ways to live, but for military dictators who cling to power, these disasters can also bring the opportunity.

The military rulers in Myanmar have spent the past four years launching a brutal civil war throughout a country in Southeast Asia, where they sent columns of the forces on bloody erection, east and bombing villages, the taste of the population, imprisoned opponents and forced young people to the army.

The Military Council is chaired by the commander of a terrifying Army on a large scale that toppled the government of Aung San Suu Kyi, which was democratically elected and installed as a leader.

But as with most ambitious powerful people, the Senator GM base is unstable. He and his cars and their interpretation have been approved internationally, and the economy is in a deplorable state, and his army loses a large area in a multi -mountain grinding war against specific resistance.

Through some accounts, it hardly controls 30 % of the country.

So when a strong earthquake hit 7.7 degrees in the middle of Myanmar on March 28, killing more than 3,700 people and causing widespread destruction, the general moved quickly to strengthen his position with a rare guilt for international assistance.

“Min Ong Hinging benefits from the earthquake for regional participation and electoral legitimacy,” said Qsan Haling, a doctorate in political science at Cornell University.

“The humanitarian crisis gives it an excuse to open the channels that have closed it long.”

These openings included a meeting directed last month between the leader of the Military Council and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim from Malaysia, who is currently holding the round president of the Southeast Nations Association (Asia). The regional bloc has ignored high -level talks with Myanmar since the coup, to avoid legitimacy to JUNTA.

In the aftermath of the meeting in the Thai capital, Bangkok, Anwar said he had a “explicit and constructive debate” with the general, focusing on humanitarian assistance to societies affected by the earthquake and expanding the military ceasefire to facilitate the delivery of aid.

“For Min Aung Hinging, even securing even a crust from regional legitimacy now places the political basis: it can argue” a look, they trust me enough to talk, “so that the democratic leaders and exile groups do not remain excluded from the table.”

Some say now is the time for countries to interact with military rulers in Myanmar, to push for dialogue and peace.

Four years of war destroyed the country. 3 million people were displaced due to the fighting and the earthquake was not only deepened a terrible humanitarian crisis, in which at least 20 million people need help.

“The main concern is the humanitarian situation. Sometimes, when we have this type of crisis, it is an opportunity for all parties to try together, thinking about the interests of the people … may lead to a type of dialogue,” said Sihasak PhuangKketkeow, a former deputy of the Thai Affairs Minister who was part of his effort.

In recent months, Min Ong Hinging has enjoyed a series of diplomatic connections.

While the bodies were still withdrawn from the ruins of the earthquake, the general was shaking hands with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of a regional meeting in Bangkok.

Rights and civil society organizations said that his presence at the Bimstec summit was the legitimacy of lending to the criminal of war.

India said that its bilateral meeting, which was established to facilitate relief in disasters, gave an opportunity to push the military council for “comprehensive dialogue” and asserting that there could be no “military solution to the conflict.”

This meeting came a month after Main Ong Hinging's prominent visit to Russia to increase cooperation with President Vladimir Putin, his ally for a long time and the main arms resource.

Above all for the leader of the Military Council, local legitimacy is the key to preserving his regime. Regional support for his planned elections, to be held later this year, is the first step in securing this.

Since power seizure, Min Aung Hlaing has been repeatedly promised to elections.

But with the dissolution of most democratic camps in exile or imprisonment, the National Association for Democracy in Soo Ki was dissolved, and the army's suppression of the people was widespread, this vote will not be considered free or fair.

The call of Min Ong Hinging March to the election observers from Belarus – the last of Europe's dictatorship – confirmed their point of view.

“We have to make it clear that in order for the elections to be credible, it must have a comprehensive dialogue,” said Sihasak, who is now the Secretary -General of the Asian Peace and Reconciliation Council.

“It is not an empty check,” he added. “It is an opportunity for us to participate, but do not participate in a way that supports legitimacy, but to persuade the system that they must also provide.”

Some observers say that JUNTA cannot be trusted to make concessions, when the army's history is scattered with false promises that hide an endless stream of atrocities.

Although Anwar Malaysia was promoting a ceasefire on the army to help with the cruisers of the societies that struck, the military council was bound by aid and intensified its deadly campaign with air strikes in the opposition areas that killed dozens of civilians.

Analysts warn that the army will use more participation as an excuse to normalize diplomatic relations and consolidate its authoritarian rule.

“If you are negotiating with Satan without red lines, this is a complicity,” said Adelena Kamal, an independent analyst and member of the peace brokers network in Southeast Asia.

Kamal said that the international community risks “deception in the performance of the theater for the army,” as the elections will be “an illusion of democratic transition.”

In 2008, when parts of the country were combined by the strong hurricane Nargis, the military regime at that time pushed a constitutional referendum that paved the way for a semi -civilian government but strengthened the influence of the army on the country's policy.

With a new constitution inlaid of the army, the regime-called the Peace and Development Council in the state-elections in 2010, which is widely considered a trick.

“The Junta Today” takes a page from the SPDC's PlayBook book to confirm its political role and keep it.

“Myanmar residents have made clear since 2021 about their lack of confidence in the army's statements about the elections, and the elections were presented in the current situation that they may lead to more violence.”

Those who have direct experience in this violence say that actions speak with a louder voice.

“Speaking to Min Aung Hinging will not bring any political solution and satisfy what the majority of people want,” said John Badu, head of the Carney Defense Force, who is fighting the army in the southeast of the country.

The National Union Karen, who has been fighting the army since independence from Britain for more than 70 years, said that a comprehensive dialogue could not happen without a ceasefire first and to provide humanitarian assistance.

“Before all people can sit together and solve the problem, Min Ong Hulang needs to stop all violence in the country. Without this we cannot accept any dialogue,” KNU spokesman told Taw NE to CNN.

However, there is hope from some circles that progress can be made this year.

After his talks with the leader of the Military Council, Anwar Malaysia also held a widely amazing virtual meeting with Mahmoud Win Khaing from the Prime Minister of the National Unity Government, in the first year of public treatment in Asia face to face with the shadow administration in Myanmar for the illegitimate legislators in the coup.

Nug, which considers itself the legitimate government of Myanmar, has repeatedly insisted on involving all stakeholders to solve the crisis.

“I see in 2025 as it is the year, with the presence of elections and this crisis, so that we can either win peace or we can lose peace,” said Sihasak, the former Thai minister.

To get there, international partners must “link any dialogue on verified steps” including “real humanitarian passages, release political prisoners, and binding guarantees of comprehensive conversations,” said Qsan Haleing in Cornell.

“Otherwise, the participation simply extends to the lifestyle of the military council at the expense of the aspirations of the Burmese people for democracy,” he said.

Sources

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