The political earthquake in Chile exposed the unconventional left

Six weeks after the historic Chilean 2019-20 uprising, we expressed the joyful words that “the nation’s collective consciousness has undergone a seismic shift” (Mail & Guardian, December 31, 2019). We said it was a “wave of history in the making.”

After a long and tumultuous year, the ground wave turned into a tidal wave, surpassing all expectations. As it turns out, nothing can stop this big swell, not Covid, not the lockdowns, not even the stiff resistance and repression by the government of Sebastian Pinera and the broad right.

As a result of the uprising, on May 15 and 16, 2021 Chileans voted for a 155-seat constitutional assembly to draft a new constitution, along with electing governors, mayors and councilors across the country – with dramatic results.

Political earthquake

The often used description of the election results as a “political earthquake” is appropriate. It constituted a fundamental rejection of the political and business elite, along with other major organizations on both the left and the right. It was also a critical vote against the neoliberal policies and practices launched by the Pinochet regime 50 years ago.

More importantly, the right-wing coalition failed to achieve one-third representation in the Constitutional Assembly, which would have enabled it to veto decisions. They won only 37 seats, or 23%, with corporate funding largely for the candidates.

Independents got 48 seats, nearly a third (31%). The left-wing parties that formed the caucus – Lista Apruebo Dignidad, which includes the Communist Party and Frente Amplio – got 28 seats.

The main opposition parties grouped in the Lista del Apruebo won 25 seats. 17 seats have been reserved for the indigenous peoples. This means that the left-wing coalitions, Independents and Apruebo Dignidad, control the association.

This dramatic trend was also manifested in the elections for governors, mayors and councilors, changing the face of Chile almost overnight.

“Everyone says the shift to the left is very clear,” says an activist lawyer from Santiago, one of the main informants for this article.

Another important feature is the fact that gender equality in the Constitutional Assembly was achieved by the feminist movement, the first in the world. More than usual women have run for office. A large percentage of women were elected to the Constituent Assembly, to the point that some women now have to give seats to men to achieve gender parity!

Many representatives in the Constitutional Assembly committed themselves to pursuing a feminist constitution. This could mean, for example, the inclusion of parity as a constitutional principle that applies to all state institutions and could have far-reaching implications for constitution-making. In addition, indigenous peoples will now, for the first time, have a strong voice in writing the country’s new constitution.

Who were the victors, why did they get good support and what are the implications for the future?

A victory for the unconventional left and anti-neoliberalism

This was a victory for the people who now make up the unconventional left in Chile, along with the left-leaning political parties. This caste has a number of important characteristics that make this election of profound importance not only for Chile, but on a larger scale.

Firstly, neoliberalism was the main issue that the various groupings and parties focused on, with clearly articulating anti-neoliberal views. Indeed, battle lines have been drawn around the issue. In addition, a strong feminist perspective prevails. This constituency is also young, with an average age of 45 members of the Constituent Assembly.

Thus, it can be said that the election results were a victory for the feminist movement, anti-neoliberalism and the youth.

Candidates from this constituency campaigned on the issues, spoke one language and voiced sentiments that resonated with the electorate. Candidates were respected for being on the streets and interacting with them. This applies to assembly seats, governors’ seats, mayors, and councilors. Linked to this, people, especially young people, did not vote along traditional lines, but rather supported candidates who appeal to their immediate interests and vision for a new society.

The unconventional left

The so-called unconventional left are those who ran as independents and their supporters. They are made up of diverse people from all walks of life who gathered in the uprising. In the run-up to the elections, Independents formed themselves into a group called La Lista del Pueblo. An important class within this grouping is the independent radicals, who spearheaded this initiative.

In addition to the professionals who now occupy seats, such as lawyers and journalists, there is, for example, a school bus driver who became famous for her role in demonstrations dressed as children. She was presenting the reality of people like her who couldn’t afford to go to college. Another example is a man who had leukemia for seven years and intensely interacted with the public health care system and its realities.

In general, independents now occupy positions involved in issues and concerns close to the reality of the Chilean people and their common rejection of the neoliberal order.

A victory also for left-wing parties outside the mainstream

In addition to the right, another victim of the elections was the parties that formed the historic political alliance Nueva Mayaoria (formerly a concertacion, associated with Michelle Bachelet’s last government from the center-left). The notable exception is the Amplio Front, a coalition of left-leaning parties coming from the student uprisings of the past decade. Another left-wing political party that has received support is the Communist Party of Chile, which has remained steadfastly independent of the other parties in the events leading up to last week.

From the point of view of the re-elected communist mayor of the Recoleta district in Santiago, Daniel Gadu: “The line between opposition parties runs along those that clearly reject the neoliberal model and those who support the model.”

In the opinion of an activist lawyer from central Santiago, the Amblio Front and the Communist Party enjoyed support not only for their political position but also due to the presentation of young and dynamic candidates linked to people on the street.

Citing the example of Irasi Hasler, the 30-year-old from the Communist Party who won the mayor seat in downtown Santiago, he said, “She was a member of the Cabildo (local council) and she was on the street the whole time. She was supported not because of the Communist party but more because she was connected.

People vote at a polling station during elections for mayors, councilors, and a committee to rewrite the constitution in Santiago, on May 15, 2021 (photo by RODRIGO ARANGUA / AFP) Reactivating the left

This development has largely led to a new leftist formation in the center stage, which constitutes what has been termed the “unconventional left” and some established political parties, backed by a set of common political views. It can provide a trend for the broad left in Chile, not forgetting the challenges ahead, while for some it will be a cause of a lot of self-reflection. This includes the trade union movement, whose main representatives have not been elected to Unidad Social, which is a trade union / civil society alliance.

A tectonic political shift has occurred, with the rise of a new left vision. It can be said that the main elements of this vision differ from those of the more traditional left, such as those that prevailed in the short and tragic period when Salvador Allende came to power in 1970. Compared to the historical period that included the three-year period in which Allende’s socialist government was. Power, which ended abruptly with the military coup, a different world now prevails in Chile (and beyond).

This includes a combination of factors, such as the destruction of work, the increase in environmental degradation dramatically and from a positive perspective, the growth of the feminism movement, with all this underpinned by the Chilean neoliberal project. The evolving elements of this new left-wing vision have been guided by these and other factors, such as the deep distrust of the mainstream, whether from the left or the right.

This development is expected to have an impact beyond Chilean borders, with learning to be learned during the initiation of the process. We hope it also inspires audiences of people, especially women and youth, within and outside Latin America.

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