Donald Trump “very disappointed” by Kurdish opposition groups

US President Donald Trump made further comments about the Kurds on May 11, saying the Kurds had failed the administration. He said he was “very disappointed” and accused the Kurds of taking and fighting hard “when they are paid.”

The comments did not specify which Kurdish group he was talking about and came after two months of reports of U.S. support for Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, including allegations that the United States was seeking to transfer weapons for use against the Iranian regime.

The new comments follow several other times Trump was asked about claims that the weapons sent never reached Iran.

Trump said he was disappointed, apparently referring to arms transfers involving Kurdish opposition groups. He claimed that only “a few weapons with ammunition” had been sent and added that the weapons “were supposed to be delivered, but they kept them.”

Trump has suggested he was skeptical from the start about an operation to funnel weapons to Iran via Kurdish groups. While emphasizing that Kurds generally enjoy a good reputation in the US Congress, Trump said Kurdish fighters “fight hard when they get paid.”

Iranian Kurdish fighters from the Kurdistan Freedom Party, known as PAK, take part in a training session at a base on the outskirts of Erbil, Iraq. (Credit: TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY REUTERS/Stringer)

Trump also expressed doubt that the weapons or groups involved would ever reach Iran.

The latest comments appear to imply that Trump was skeptical of arguments that Kurdish opposition groups could play a major armed role in the fight against the regime. He also seemed to think that any arms transfer through a group was unlikely to go beyond the group. While Trump has spoken widely about “Kurds,” no one in the administration has clarified which Kurdish group might have received weapons.

Many reports about Kurdish groups since the war began on February 28 have been misleading. For example, initial reports suggested that Iranian Kurdish opposition groups had launched an offensive. In fact, that wasn’t the case.

Later reports claimed that this information had been leaked. The leaks appear to be consistent with allegations regarding arms transfers.

It is worth noting the complexity of the different Kurdish groups involved. First of all, tens of millions of Kurds live in four countries: Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The Kurdish regions all border and are connected by the mountains which constitute the Kurdish homeland. Thus, the Kurdish groups in this region all have links with each other.

Different Kurdish groups have different political affiliations and circumstances in each country

Where there are major differences between Kurds is mainly in their political parties and the different circumstances they experience in each country. For example, in Iraq, the Kurds were victims of genocide in the 1980s. In Turkey, the government denied the existence of the Kurds for many years and suppressed their language. In Syria, Kurds did not even have citizenship in many cases under the Assad regime.

The Kurds of Iran have opposed the Islamic regime since the 1980s. The Kurds of Iran have also been fighting for their independence since the 1940s. The Islamic regime has assassinated Kurdish leaders in recent decades.

Many Kurdish opposition groups had to go into hiding. When the Kurdistan region in northern Iraq became an autonomous region, many Iranian Kurdish opposition groups set up camps or small bases there.

The autonomy of the Kurdistan region in Iraq gave some security to Kurds fleeing Iran, which is important because in the 1980s and 1990s the situation was different; Iraqi Kurds fled to Iran. The current president of the Kurdistan Regional Government, Nechirvan Barzani, lived in Iran for some time.

The Kurdish region of Iraq has other ties to Iran.

While Erbil’s ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) tends to have closer ties with Turkey than Iran, the smaller Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) is closer to Iran.

The PUK dominates Sulimaniyeh on the border with Iran and is therefore politically and geographically close to Iran. Iranian Kurdish opposition groups recently formed a coalition. This situation was accelerated by the demonstrations in December and January.

The coalition brings together the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI), the Kurdish Freedom Party (PAK), the Kurdisatan Free Life Party (PJAK), the Komala and Xhabat parties. The KDPI and PJAK often claim to be Iran’s largest Kurdish opposition groups. Komala, which had three branches, is also a large party.

Kurdish parties all have different ideologies. PJAK is a far-left group linked to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The KDPI is historically close to the KDP.

Although many readers will find this holiday alphabet soup difficult to follow, what matters here is that there are many holidays. If the United States sought to transfer weapons to one of the groups, or even to the coalition of parties, it would likely be difficult to ensure that the weapons were distributed fairly.

This would be difficult if only Kurdish military groups were involved. If one tried to move weapons from northern Iraq to Iran via Kurdish groups, the process would be even more difficult.

There is another factor involved.

The PUK is close to the Iranian leadership and likely opposes any action by Kurdish opposition groups entering Iran from PUK-controlled areas. Iran and its IRGC are very active in the Kurdish regions of western Iran. As such, the PUK would likely work to prevent or prohibit any operation.

This means that moving weapons into this area would be incredibly complex. It would take a lot more than just trucking them to a group and saying, “There you go.”

Arming rebel groups is complex. This requires knowing the groups, usually setting up infrastructure and training camps, and having people who know the area well to make it work. Historically, arming rebel groups has often not worked, especially when the West has attempted to do so.

There are exceptions to this rule.

The Mujahideen in Afghanistan were successful in the 1980s. However, this operation lasted for many years and required support from Pakistan and other countries. In other examples, such as arming the Contras or other groups, things did not go as planned.

The United States has a model of success in working with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in Syria. However, the FDS grew out of an existing group, the People’s Protection Units (YGP), which was highly disciplined.

U.S. Central Command and Operation Inherent Resolve worked with the SDF to defeat ISIS. It took many years. U.S. efforts to arm Syrian rebel groups have largely failed. It is therefore worth noting that even when the US military, such as CENTCOM or other US elements, is involved, the weapons groups remain complicated.

Trump’s skepticism about weapons and what might happen is well founded. It seems unfair to blame the Kurds. The Kurds are not a single group. There are many groups. When he says that the Kurds only fight when they are paid, he is wrong.

The Kurdish Peshmerga fought ISIS and received very low salaries. The homeless man was not paid well, if at all. This is why most Kurdish groups have been fighting without pay for decades. The Iranian Kurdish groups that already exist are not paid.

They live in small, poor, dusty camps and train for years out of dedication to the cause. Whatever happens next with regard to the United States and Kurdish groups, attempts will have to be made to dispel the skepticism that has emerged.

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