Can the top three leaders sit together?

In a country like Pakistan, where the power structure has become increasingly complex and unpredictable, making political predictions is not a simple task. However, in the current climate of intense political divisions, suggesting that Imran Khan, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif could sit together at the same table seems highly unlikely. Yet, as we all know, politics is a game of possibilities. It is not only a fight for public rights, but also a way to climb the ladder of power and influence, and sometimes even go to prison. It's about winning people's hearts. When this play of possibilities is obscured by stubbornness, ego and prejudice, it becomes impossible to avoid its harmful effects. This explains why hatred has become deeply ingrained in our national political atmosphere. However, in this profoundly negative political climate, history presents us with a different narrative when we look back.

I remember that after the 1990 elections, which saw the worst use of the state apparatus, the Islamic Democratic Alliance was formed in government, with several names vying for the post of Prime Minister, including Mohammad Khan Junejo, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Mian Nawaz. Cherif. Eventually, Mian Nawaz Sharif managed to be appointed as Prime Minister. During his first term, he was presented by the establishment as a new candidate to challenge Benazir Bhutto. Before this, he had already been elected chief minister of Punjab twice. After securing a vote of confidence in the new National Assembly, Mian Nawaz Sharif spoke of strict accountability of the opposition, giving the impression that the state would take tough action against the PPP's two years of rule. Many PPP leaders and officials were arrested at the time.

However, in the very first session of the assembly, Benazir Bhutto congratulated Nawaz Sharif and expressed willingness to initiate talks. She said Pakistan needed a two-party democratic system to deal with the dangers and crises threatening the country's democratic and constitutional structure, and she was ready to sit at the negotiating table. But, of course, those who had helped Nawaz Sharif come to power, as well as his advisors, advised him against reconciliation and instead encouraged confrontation.

Imran Khan declared his political rivals and the establishment as his enemies, introducing a new form of popular politics where opponents were labeled as enemies.

When Nawaz Sharif was ousted from power twice in the 1990s, and after General Pervez Musharraf arrested him and imposed martial law, he realized that Benazir Bhutto's offer was the right path. However, it would take nearly fifteen years to achieve the Charter of Democracy. During this period, the country paid a heavy price in terms of terrorism and economic instability. The country has also suffered from an image crisis, largely due to the influence of the jihadist lobby Hameed Gul. If Musharraf had not received financial support to wage the war against terrorism, the country would have had an even harder time recovering.

The Charter of Democracy was signed on May 14, 2006. Over the next two decades, through various tactics. However, the political parties sent an important message to the establishment by unanimously passing the Eighteenth Amendment. Later, through the courts, a pattern emerged where prime ministers were sent home. The establishment, disappointed with the political maturity of the country's two major political parties, attempted to promote a new political party, leading to the rise of PTI and Imran Khan as a major player in national politics during the 2013 elections. This plunged the country into a political confrontation even worse than in the 1990s. However, the most significant crisis began when the conflict between Imran Khan and the establishment intensified and the opposition, seizing occasion, ousted him by a vote of no confidence on April 10, 2022. In retaliation, Imran Khan declared both his political rivals and the establishment as his enemies, introducing a new form of grassroots politics where opponents were described as enemies. The fight has spread from the streets and television screens to social media, with many Pakistanis living in the United States and Europe joining the battle alongside Imran Khan. For the first time, the establishment faced severe hatred on social media. This situation was a nightmare for those who created Fifth Generation Warfare.

PML-N's Khawaja Saad Rafique's call to rid the country of remote-controlled democracy by bringing all political parties and stakeholders together is nothing short of a slogan.

A journalist who supports Imran Khan described the situation by saying: “Imran Khan is not under the control of this state, he is not controlled by this hybrid system and he does not even understand it. The media, the justice system, the bureaucracy, the police. , the FIA, the NAB, the anti-corruption agencies, the government and the establishment, all of them don't know how to handle it. Even in prison, he shook the whole system. He challenges them all. , without fear or After being imprisoned for more than a year and a half, he should have asked for mercy, but instead he said: “You can keep me in prison for 150 years, I will never ask for mercy, I will not conclude never an agreement. . I will seek justice only in court. I am innocent and I will prove my innocence in court. They can't do anything to him. This man is unlike anyone else; it escapes the State's capacity to control. »

I don't completely agree with this person. Occasionally, there are confirmed reports of indirect contacts between Imran Khan and the establishment during his stay in prison. Today, after the arrest of General Faiz Hameed and his court martial, Imran Khan seems to feel even more vulnerable. After the two failed attempts to storm Islamabad, the formation of a negotiating committee by Imran Khan to begin talks is no small feat. Under the supervision of the President, the government and PTI negotiating teams sat down.

In this context, PML-N's Khawaja Saad Rafique's call to rid the country of remote-controlled democracy by bringing together all political parties and stakeholders is nothing short of a slogan. Similarly, Rana Sanaullah's statement that if Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari sit together, they can solve seventy years of problems in seventy days, presents an unconventional perspective.

Subsequently, when PTI's Sher Afzal Marwat was asked on a TV show whether he agreed with Rana Sanaullah's suggestion of a meeting between Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif and Zardari, he replied: ” This should happen now. We have no choice but to sit together. We tried twice, unsuccessfully, to organize sit-ins in Islamabad, we won the elections, but we were not allowed to form a government. Now the only option left is for the three big leaders to sit down together and define the rules of the game.”

If the three leaders decide today to stick to their stubbornness and ego rather than meet, many years and decades could still be lost.

In this context, two major questions arise:

1) Will these three major leaders, in accordance with the wishes of the highest ranking members of their party and in the larger national interest, sit under one roof to end radio-controlled democracy? This is complicated by their individual histories.

2) Will the main power players in the country allow these three leaders to meet or not?

Let's try to find separate answers to these questions.

Let us first consider Asif Zardari. When efforts were underway to form the current government and Shahbaz Sharif was appointed prime minister, Zardari had said he was open to talks with the PTI. Since then, he has repeatedly expressed his desire for dialogue. As for Mian Nawaz Sharif, he also has a history of dialogue. When he was about to become Prime Minister for the third time in 2013, despite election bitterness, he visited Imran Khan in Bani Gala to inquire about his health after he fell from the scene and was injured. But will Imran Khan, who has lost badly in the last three years – after being defeated in elections, imprisoned and enduring hardship – be able to rise above his ego, hatred and prejudice and enter into talks? ? I don't see this happening, because the desire to always win has always been an enemy of dialogue or reconciliation. Ego and stubbornness prevent sitting down with an adversary, and discussions are often avoided for fear of losing to the adversary.

In a political structure like that of Pakistan, where remote controlled democracy reigns, it has never been possible to establish a government by removing all political parties and the establishment. However, history has provided politicians with an opportunity to reduce the influence of the powerful establishment and anti-political elements in the state through institutional reforms. But these opportunities were squandered, except in the framing of the Constitution and the Eighteenth Amendment.

Once again, history offers a new possibility to politicians. If the three leaders decide today to stick to their stubbornness and ego rather than meet, many years and decades could still be lost. And when, after wasting so much time, they finally try to unite for a new Charter of Democracy or a new Charter of the Economy, the forces that cause damage will have entered the scene and many new wounds will have been inflicted on the unity of the country. country.

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