There is a term for Trump's political style: authoritarian populism

An Austrian electoral victory for a party with Nazi roots. Anti-terrorism charges brought against an Indian writer for his decade-old criticism of the ruling Hindu nationalist party. MAGA.

Reading the global political headlines of the past decade, Mriam Juan-Torres Gonzlez and her colleagues at UC Berkeley's Othering & Belonging Institute (OBI) saw a trend. Around the world, politicians have spread fear, scapegoating marginalized groups for a host of societal problems and thereby eroding democratic norms, such as by persecuting journalists. Internally, researchers at OBIs Democracy and Belonging Forum have begun trying to qualify this phenomenon so that they can understand how these leaders operate and, potentially, figure out how to prevent their consolidation of power.

Mriam Juan-Torres Gonzlez is head of research at the Democracy and Belonging Forum at the Othering & Belonging Institute.

Courtesy of Mriam Juan-Torres Gonzlez

This model coalesced into a hybrid political style that they labeled authoritarian populism. This did not fit neatly into pre-existing academic frameworks. Authoritarian practices occurred in predominantly democratic states. Juan-Torres therefore set out to describe the strategies and motivations common to this increasingly popular breed of world leaders, who use populist rhetoric while stoking nativism. and increase their own power.

The OBI article, published in late 2024, helps define authoritarian populism so readers can see it at work on the global stage. This is important, Juan-Torres said, because words and ideas have power; they can shape our understanding of what is and what should be done.

Defining authoritarianism

In academic literature, Juan-Torres said that pure authoritarianism often refers to a type of regime; it describes how leaders govern. Authoritarians consolidate power so that they, as the executive branch, have considerable authority. They often suppress political opposition, spread disinformation, fuel political violence, and transform historically independent institutions into political actors that will help them achieve their agenda. They generally resort to coercion to achieve these goals rather than mobilizing popular support. Often, authoritarians like Vladimir Putin justify their hold on power by fanning the flames of emotionally charged issues and scapegoating marginalized groups. (Russian discrimination against the LGBTQ+ community is an example.)

One difference between an authoritarian government and a fascist or totalitarian government, the paper explains, is that an authoritarian government does not require rabid citizen participation. A radical example would be the Hitler Youth programs in Nazi Germany and instead leave room for a private life that is not controlled. by the government.

The problem with applying the authoritarian label willy-nilly today, Juan-Torres said, is that authoritarian practices like torture or mass surveillance have long occurred in otherwise democratic states. , with relatively free and fair elections. This gap adds to the OBI teams' desire to find a new way to describe modern political trends.

Populism, on the other hand, occurs when leaders rhetorically divide the population into two groups: the majority versus the elites. These leaders position themselves as the true representatives of the majority group. This anti-establishment, us-versus-them struggle is at the center of populist rhetoric, the researchers conclude.

Senator Bernie Sanders questions Scott Bessent about wealth inequality during Bessent's confirmation hearing for Treasury Secretary.

(Angelina Katsanis/POLITICO via AP Images)

But most scholars agree that populism has no core beliefs; Examples of populism can be found in both left and right circles. On the left, Spain's Podemos party and US Senator Bernie Sanders are examples, while right-wing populists like Geert Wilders, the fiercely anti-Islam leader of the Netherlands' dominant Freedom Party, are attacking to the elites.

Authoritarian populism, definition

When you combine characteristics of authoritarianism and populism, like mixing primary colors, you get a unique political style called authoritarian populism.

Juan-Torres described the authoritarian populist worldview almost as if they were like twins. From one perspective, she says, there is the threat of an identity-based out-group. On the other side, there is a deep-rooted struggle between the people and the elites. The sense of fear and antagonism that these lenses arouse leads people to accept authoritarian measures to protect themselves and their group. Taking these extreme and undemocratic measures [is] justified because of the enormity of the threat, she explained.

The term authoritarian populism was first coined by theorist Stuart Hall in a 1979 article describing Margaret Thatcher's alarmist remarks regarding crime and aggressive law enforcement policies. OBI researchers said that modern authoritarian populist leaders focus on nativism (preferential treatment given to a region's indigenous inhabitants over immigrants) and oppose pluralism (working toward a more inclusive society). cookie cutter instead of a multicultural society).

Unlike pure authoritarians like Putin, who maintain close ties to elites and seek to maintain the status quo, authoritarian populists often denounce elites and blame them for citizens' problems. (Behind closed doors, however, they are known to have ties to elites. Juan-Torres pointed out that recent ties between tech executives and MAGA politicians show how quickly this anti-elite façade can dissipate.)

According to the OBI newspaper, leaders who embody authoritarian populism include US President Donald Trump, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, French presidential candidate Marine LePen, former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

Strategies of authoritarian populists

Juan-Torres also outlined some key strategies she sees in the actions of authoritarian populists. We see the world as a struggle between two groups characterized in a simplistic way. There will be a virtuous in-group and a downright evil out-group. This outgroup would then be the scapegoat for societal problems.

Like pure authoritarians, authoritarian populists also fuel moral panic, she said, using the excuse of a perceived existential threat to justify draconian measures. One might spot this trend in the Trump campaign's attacks on transgender rights, which portrayed a small number of trans athletes as a fundamental threat to societal norms around gender and, instead of making room for diverse types of gender identity and expression, proposed strict government regulation. of the participation of trans people in these and other aspects of public life.

I think authoritarian populists have really succeeded in providing a lens through which to interpret social and political reality in a time of great uncertainty.

Ms. Juan-Torres

Although authoritarian populists are likely to push the boundaries of democratic norms, they also try to preserve at least the appearance of representing the majority of citizens, she said. This could be achieved by participating in elections (think Stop the Steal), urging die-hard supporters to vote, or adopting policies that will ultimately disenfranchise people they view as hostile to their cause (e.g. by means of strict voter ID laws enacted following the 2020 United States elections).

Juan-Torres cited Italy's recent criminalization of NGOs that rescue migrants in the Mediterranean as a clear example of authoritarian populism. Another example comes from the Meloni administration: in 2023, Italy prevented the mayor of Milan from issuing birth certificates mentioning two mothers, an administrative measure that discriminates against LGBTQ+ couples. This year, his party, the Brothers of Italy, succeeded in banning surrogacy internationally, another choice that draws on the authoritarian populist model of further marginalizing a group excluded from society.

Is authoritarian populism linked to one party or another?

Not exactly. While this political style is mostly found in movements that describe themselves as right-wing or far-right, Juan-Torres said, they don't always fit neatly onto a simple right- or left-wing spectrum.

The Dutch Party for Freedom, for example, includes LGBTQ+ citizens (often marginalized by right-wing politicians) in the group that needs to be protected against the perceived threat of Islam. And the anti-migrant BSW party in Germany, which supports expanded social protection, split from the far-left group Die Linke.

The ideological elusiveness of these movements also comes from the fact that they are particularly adaptable, Juan-Torres explained. His article reveals significant ideological flexibility both over time and within the movements themselves. Having central principles that are constantly evolving can help authoritarian populists build grand coalitions.

By understanding how this style of politics works, Juan-Torres said she hopes citizens can learn how to counteract it.

I think authoritarian populists have really succeeded in providing a lens through which to interpret social and political reality in a time of great uncertainty, she said. They recognize the problems people face and give them an explanation and a group to blame.

Other political groups should consider how they can offer a counter-narrative. The big question, she says, is: how can we provide space for grievances and losses, while [that] Is this also positive in terms of what we can build?

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