Does not prevail so subtle in the fight against large law firms

It is a cornerstone of American democracy, consecrated in the first amendment to the Constitution: people have the right to question the actions of their leaders. Innumerable citizens, companies and others have exercised this right by fileing prosecution against the United States government.

This has been happening for over 200 years. But the dam of at least 150 proceedings against the second Trump administration, contesting many of its personnel policies and decisions, is perhaps unrivaled in the history of the United States. And in dozens of cases, the judges ordered that the administration stops or reversed actions at the heart of the president attic the agenda.

Mr. Trump and his lawyer administrations are fighting in court, but they also pursue a much more ambitious and substantial objective: dissuade lawyers from pursuing their administration in the first place.

In a series of recent decrees, Mr. Trump has limited the capacity of certain major law firms, including those who employed his perceived political enemies, to interact with the federal government. Among the presidents indicated, there were that some of the work carried out by the companies bother the immigration of its administrations and other policies.

Mr. Trump went even further in a memo this month. Affirming that many companies have deposited abusive prosecution, he ordered the Attorney General to ask for sanctions against lawyers and law firms that engage in frivolous, unreasonable and vexatious disputes against the United States.

These adjectives are vague. But the threats are clear. Giant law firms tend to have lucrative businesses to help businesses of companies with the federal government, whether it be contracts or defuse surveys or minimize the impact of regulations. Being penalized by the government would be bad for business.

Mr. Trumps recent Broadids amazed the legal industry, many of which have been proud to continue business against the surpassing perceived by republican and democratic administrations.

Orders have revealed striking differences in the way powerful law firms wish to manage an aggressive and unpredictable president. Three companies continued to block the orders of Mr. Trumps, qualifying them in an unconstitutional way. (Friday evening, the federal judges of Washington made temporary ban prescriptions granting two of the companies, Jenner & Block and Wilmerhale, help of orders.)

Two others, Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom and Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, concluded agreements with the president to avoid or cancel these orders.

Be that as it may, Mr. Trumps' movements have the potential and perhaps the objective of undermining the capacity of peoples to challenge their government. It is the presidents deliberated by the intention of cooling the largest law firms in the business representation he does not like, said Cecillia D. Wang, national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, who joined the main firms to carry affairs against the administration. I think you will see law firms starting to go back.

Deepak Gupta, the founder of the law firm Gupta Wessler, said that he knew lawyers in the best law firms of companies who recently informed some professional customers that they could no longer represent them because their offices were frightened by Mr. Trumps Executive Orders and Memo.

He already has an effect, said Mr. Gupta, who continued the Trump administration on behalf of a licensed member of the National Labor Relations Board and a union representing employees of the Consumer Financial Protection Office. This is not something that could happen in the future.

There are parallels between the attacks of Mr. Trumps against the legal industry and his campaign to force or weaken the other pillars of civic society. Trump and his collaborators continue or investigate the media who have produced critical coverage. And his administration threatens to retain huge sums of federal money from universities that have not completed his requests.

Even before Mr. Trumps reached law firms, the legal community had trouble following his heavy volumes of legally questionable shares. Many small law firms and public interest groups have the desire and expertise to represent customers who take the administration, but they often count on resources of large companies, including national armies of partners and parajurists who can be sent at a given time to help the workload.

Large companies often manage these cases on a pro bono basis, which means that they are generally not paid for work. It was not a coincidence that Mr. Trump castigated large companies to carry out a harmful activity thanks to their powerful pro Bono practices. As part of their recent agreements with Mr. Trump, Paul Weiss and Skadden agreed to carry out tens of millions of dollars of Pro Bono legal work for causes and customers, such as veterans, that Trump supports.

The goal is to intimidate people, said Andrew G. Celli Jr., partner of Emery, Celi, Brinckerhoff, Abady, Ward and Maazel whose customers have included eminent democrats. While large companies get cold feet, there will be cases that will fall into the meshes of the net or do not argue in the right way.

It is ironic that a republican like Mr. Trump seeks to repress disputes against the United States government. These proceedings were among the most popular and powerful tools that the Conservatives have used to attack what they consider as too zealous regulations and the erroneous policies of the Democrats.

For example, disputes have hidden the capacity of Biden administrations to forgive billions of dollars in student loans. In the Obama administration, the Republicans and their lawyers used such prosecution in an unsuccessful effort to paralyze the Act respecting affordable care.

Trump recently deplored the great law in the pocket of Democrats. But his real grievance seemed to be that the companies he targeted with decrees employed lawyers who worked on surveys or legal affairs against him. And, while some law firms look into the left, others specialize in the Republican service.

Jones Day, one of the largest companies in the country by certain measures, was a reputation in Washington in part by representing the Trumps 2016 campaign, then in staff of his first administration with his lawyers. He was one of the companies leading legal challenges against Obama and Biden policies.

Trump did not publicly threaten Jones Day.

While many business leaders are conservative, he has also adopted liberal initiatives, in particular by building a formidable pro Bono practice helping undocumented migrants along the Texas border with Mexico.

This is the type of work that Mr. Trump recently assaulted in other large law firms.

Laura K. Tuell, a partner in charge of Jones Days Pro Bono activities and a free migrant aid champion, refused to say if the cabinet reconsidered who worked in the light of Trump's administrations against law firms.

Devlin Barrett contributed the reports.

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