Boris Johnson has another problem to contain

(Bloomberg opinion) – The very public hostilities between British Home Secretary Priti Patel and his highest official, Philip Rutnam, may seem to be the kind of thing that primarily interests markers (or settlers) in the 39; interior of the Westminster bubble. And yet, even with everything going on in British politics, from the confinement of the coronavirus to trade negotiations, including the first post-Brexit budget and a surprise marriage and an imminent baby for Prime Minister Boris Johnson, the attention is warranted.

The way Johnson handles Rutnam's accusations against Patel will show how far his government is willing to disrupt deeply established structures in the public service, a particular goal of Johnsons chief adviser Dominic Cummings, who believes that the British consider the highly valued mandarins (the British term for senior officials) to be an obstacle to post-Brexit reforms. It is equally important to know whether the Johnson government can afford to eliminate its bureaucratic enemies without seriously spoiling the machinery of government. The Home Office is in charge of immigration, which is at the heart of the UK's post-Brexit planning as it breaks with the European Union's free movement rules.

Rutnam left a 33-year career in the public service on Saturday, which in itself is unusual. His public statement accusing Patel of intimidation, lying and briefing him to the media made the headlines. He revealed an attempt by the government to pay him to go quietly and announced that he was suing the ministry for a constructive dismissal.

Some might say it had to happen. The Home Office is considered by many to be the government's most difficult brief, a cemetery of ambitious ministers. Add Patel (one of the most polarizing politicians from the Conservative Parties), Cummingss revolutionizing the agenda and a hectic schedule to the mix and the boom.

A longtime Eurosceptic and one of the first followers of Brexit, the mention of the name of Patels sends many Remnants into a foam. The idea of ​​a daughter of Indian immigrants as chief spokesperson for a hard line on immigration offends progressives.

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Patel was expelled from the government as the UK's secretary for international development under the leadership of Theresa May after a series of unauthorized meetings with 14 senior Israeli officials. His portfolio at the time included aid to the Palestinian Authority and critical organizations in Israel. This speaks volumes about his perception of his loyalty and his fundamental beliefs that Johnson raised him to one of the top four positions in the state. And it is important for his new cohort of former Labor voters from the North of England, for whom immigration and public order are priorities.

Its mission (some would say impossible) is essentially to tear up the Home Office's playbook and rewrite it from the immigration system and strengthen border controls to deliver Johnsons' promise of immigration. add 20,000 new police officers. Each of these policy areas is operationally complex; taken together, they will weigh heavily on public servants like Rutnam and the tens of thousands of employees he has led. Typically, ministers would draw on the deep institutional and operational knowledge of officials like Rutnam to translate briefs into policy. Johnson and Cummings don't seem to want to work like this.

Patel's defense, as Johnson vehemently did on Sunday, became an attorney for his post-Brexit government program and his plans for broader public service reform. Just as the Brexiters viewed British judges and Parliament as part of an ossified establishment obstructing the will of the people, supporters of Patels regard Rutnam as the emblem of a dying senior executive. Whitehall professionals hostile to Brexit, which will thwart plans to reshape the government now that Britain leaves the EU.

It is a fight the government must win, otherwise all of its colleagues will be dead in the water, said Iain Duncan Smith, a die-hard Tory Brexiter. There is still a group of officials who do not believe in Brexit.

However, things could get messy. Conservative voters can give Johnson and Patel the benefit of the doubt, but his influence within his own ministry has been weakened. Two of his closest advisers are said to have been replaced by those chosen by Downing Street. It is precisely the kind of interference that prompted Chancellor of the Exchequer Sajid Javid to resign last month, and does not exactly give the Prime Minister's Office confidence. The interference rocked the public service union, which wants cabinet secretary Mark Sedwill, head of the public service, to initiate an investigation by an external lawyer into Patel's behavior. Johnson launched an internal probe.

And even if Johnson wants to support Patel, the revelations made during the trial could become embarrassing. Rutnam alleges that he was forced to leave his job against his will due to the conduct of his employer. His court will be heard in public, unless the government obtains an exemption. The burden of proof is on Rutnam. But he only has to win a balance of probabilities case where his evidence trumps the Home Office defense.

The court could also rule for the Home Office but criticize it in the judgment. Unless Patel gets a clear win, there will be spinoffs.

Even if Cummings would like to do so, Johnson cannot simply replace the public service. It needs it to implement policies that affect millions of people; this cannot be done by a few dozen bright sparks at Downing Street. This is why it is rash to see this as a fight between opposing teams, bureaucrats and politicians are supposed to be on the same side. Johnson will have to resolve this fight in the locker room if he wants to govern effectively.

To contact the author of this story: Thérèse Raphaël at [email protected]

To contact the editor responsible for this story: James Boxell at [email protected]

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of Bloomberg LP and its owners.

Thérèse Raphaël writes editorials on European politics and the economy for Bloomberg Opinion. She was editor of the editorial page for the Wall Street Journal Europe.

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