Politics
What Jokowis' inglorious exit means for Indonesia | World News
JOKO WIDODO leaves the Indonesian presidency in a less honorable manner than he entered it. Ten years ago, the former furniture salesman known as Jokowibrought to power on a promise to challenge the elites who had ruled the world's third-largest democracy since the fall of dictator Suharto in 1998. But instead of defeating the powerful, Jokowi (pictured center-left) joined them. .
As the elections scheduled for February 14 approach, the outgoing president launched his weight behind Prabowo Subianto (pictured center-right), a former general and son-in-law of Suharto, who has an abysmal human rights record and a declared ambivalence toward democracy. Jokowi's eldest son is Mr Prabowo's running mate, thanks to Jokowi's brother-in-law, who as chief justice of Indonesia's highest court lifted the age limit on his 36 year old nephew.
Jokowi's endorsement made Mr. Prabowo the favorite to win the presidency at the third attempt (he lost elections in 2014 and 2019, then falsely claimed they were stolen). His main rivals, Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo, both capable former governors, say their rallies were disrupted or canceled by shadowy officials. This is a worrying omen for Indonesia and an undignified end to Jokowis' term.
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Although he did not oversee the heartbreaking growth he also promised, his economic management has helped make Indonesia one of the most successful economies in recent years. Its vulnerability to a strong dollar and fluctuations in global capital flows once made it a member of the five fragile emerging markets. Thanks to prudent management, public finances have improved and the economy is more stable. Indonesia has been growing at around 5% per year fairly consistently.
The infrastructure has been overhauled, with the addition of thousands of kilometers of roads and railways. A set of reforms passed last year eased restrictions on foreign investment. By pressuring companies to process nickel domestically, Jokowi supported the development of an industry responsible for half of global production. Improved governance has contributed, among other things, to a reduction in rampant deforestation that has long made Indonesia one of the largest emitters of greenhouse gases. The country's traditional non-aligned foreign policy has placed it securely between America and China on most issues.
Mr. Prabowo pledged to continue most of Jokowi's policies, reassuring investors. They are too complacent. Recent progress has come despite Jokowi's authoritarian instincts and delusions of grandeur, which Mr. Prabowo seems more likely to emulate. The former general supports Jokowis' epic white elephant project to create a new $34 billion capital in Borneo's rainforest. He seems to want to extend protectionist policies on nickel, which will only pay off if demand for this metal remains high, towards less promising sectors. Tarnished by his alleged Suharto-era abuses, from which America and Australia once excluded him, he remains prone to clumsy outbursts, including a speech last year in which he launched a peace plan favorable to Putin for Ukraine. Jokowi's support for him is said to have alienated the president's technocratic colleagues, including Sri Mulyani Indrawati, the finance minister behind much of the progress.
Mr Prabowos' victory does not necessarily mean the end of liberal politics in Indonesia: the gains enjoyed by 200 million voters could make them more demanding in the future. Still, the cronyism so evident in his campaign is disheartening. Jokowi arrived in 2014 like a breath of fresh air. But by failing to consolidate Indonesian democracy, even though it has strengthened its economy, it leaves behind a rotten smell.
2023, The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved. Taken from The Economist, published under license. Original content can be viewed at www.economist.com
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