Something's Got to Give – Journal

It's been almost a year since May 9. In the coming days, much will be said and written about this unfortunate day, its meaning and its tragedy. There will also be lively discussions about the many accused individuals whether in jail or not and the unrepentant PTI.

But as with many other things, there will be little serious discussion about how to meaningfully move forward, because honesty is rarely possible in public debate. And a frank discussion would focus on the relationship between the establishment and the PTI and its impact on the country.

Take the PTI first. Despite dire predictions about its demise and the rapid departures of its loyalists 12 months ago, the party managed to achieve good results in the elections despite all obstacles. But today, she seems stuck again between old and new challenges. Even when in power, the PTI was a noisy and poorly disciplined organization. In these difficult times, this has not changed. With limited access to Imran Khan, the party appears to be a headless chicken. And, while old rivalries persist in the PTI's centuries-old tradition, new entrants such as lawyers and older politicians are also jostling for each other.

Decision-making has become even more chaotic. Depending on when party leaders can meet Khan and who speaks to the media after meeting him, decisions are sometimes the famous U-turns, while other times it seems like everyone is stuck at a roundabout, unable to locate any exit. Consider the choice of KP Finance Minister. It appears that the chief minister-designate may have ignored Khan's instructions due to personal unease.

Or absolute confusion over who would be the party's choice to lead the Public Accounts Committee. For weeks, it was unclear whether Sher Afzal Khan Marwat, a missile that lands as often on the PTI as on its rivals, would be the party's choice or someone else's. The problem was resolved when the party chose Sheikh Waqas, according to Dawn, but after much drama and little logic.

Poor decision-making was blamed for the party's woes rather than its troubles with the establishment. It may not matter in the long run. What is more critical are the party's limited choices. Its popularity today is such that it can no longer be denied by anyone, but it comes at a cost. Given the mood of the electorate, the PTI will lose support if it reaches an agreement with the current setup or the establishment. (The PML-N's waning support proves this.) But it cannot maintain the stalemate either.

The establishment faces a choice every bit as difficult as the PTI.

Consider the dynamics within the KP, where initial euphoria gives way to criticism; Ali Amin Gandapur in particular, and the party in general, are accused by workers of being compromised. This has been particularly true of the government's silence over the disappearance of a PTI worker in recent days. Indeed, every small instance of compromise or inaction is seen as a sign of betrayal, such is the level of emotion.

But without developing a working relationship with the center or the establishment, how will the party govern? For now, the party has no answers. (Similar pressures are at work in Punjab.) However, this is not just a dilemma for the PTI, but also for the establishment, which historically has always engaged with popular forces after the confrontation.

This happened with the PPP in the 1980s and the PML-N in the 2000s. Many argue that it will be no different this time, although in both cases the time frame is of course longer. almost a decade. But this was at a time when the country was not plunged into an intractable economic crisis, which is mainly why the PTI became the force it is today.

Indeed, bearing the burden of an unpopular government as well as the economy is not so easy for an established power that has generally been able to claim public support from regions like Punjab. But this time, there are no gifts to share to compensate for the sidelining of a popular party; in fact, there is only bad news in the form of higher taxes or higher bills. It seems, as last year indicated, that the only way to deal with such a situation is through repressive measures against ordinary citizens, politicians and the mainstream and social media.

The problem, however, with enforced silence is that it must be enforced constantly. Even then, it cannot overcome the lack of legitimacy or support; this is why, in the past, the establishment has always opted for an eventual reset. In other words, the establishment faces a choice just as stark as the PTI.

If nothing changes, the balance will continue to tip in Khan's favor. Consider that before Khan's arrest, there was talk of how he continued to live comfortably at the expense of his party and its members. But then he was arrested and the criticism calmed down.

The question now is what the cost of easing Khan's restrictions will be. Will it be possible to control the public reaction if he is allowed out in public in the near future, even in terms of just appearing in court? And if there is no ceasefire, how will the establishment manage public anger and expectations, especially as it prepares for the next IMF program?

The realization of this explains the constant pressure or debate on how political parties should speak. Doubting Thomases find it hard to believe that this is coming from the Charter of Democracy fandom or those who want to cheer the establishment and the PTI together. A year later, something has to give. Reason demands it, even though supply has been limited in Pakistan for some time. In the process, both the PTI and the establishment will have to pay a price.

The writer is a journalist.

Published in Dawn, May 7, 2024

Sources 1/ https://Google.com/ 2/ https://www.dawn.com/news/amp/1832002 The mention sources can contact us to remove/changing this article

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