Call for unity: lessons from the past in Turkish politics

President Recep Tayyip Erdoan's recent call to consolidate the domestic front, followed by Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahelis' support for the People's Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) in pursuing of a Trkiye without terrorism naturally triggered discussions on future scenarios. . Although Erdoan and Baheli emphasize that this new approach is not a new process similar to the previous reconciliation process, media coverage often presents it in relation to this earlier initiative. Themes such as similar conceptual frameworks, the rhetoric of actors of the time and the roles assigned to DEM and terrorist leader Calan are highlighted.

For this new approach to produce a positive result, especially if lessons are to be learned from the past reconciliation process, it is essential to openly discuss who ended this process, for what reasons, and who supported those who wasted this opportunity. During the previous reconciliation process, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and President Erdoan took significant political risks, making historic gestures of good faith. Revolutionary changes have been adopted on issues voiced for years by the Kurdish community, from political messages in the Kurdish language to the creation of Kurdish broadcasts on state television and optional Kurdish language courses.

Today, those who claim that a new reconciliation process has begun tend to downplay the initiatives taken during this period. They presented the reconciliation process through the perspectives of the People's Democratic Party (HDP), leaders of the Qandil terrorist group and figures from Imral. Rather than putting democratic pressure on the HDP, they adopted its political agenda. They overlooked the HDP's exploitation of the reconciliation process, as well as its role in the events of October 6 and 7 and its rhetoric that legitimized violence during the protests against the trenches and barricades.

Instead, they have instrumentalized undemocratic attempts to undermine state structures, such as the Gezi Park protests, the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) truck plot, and coup attempts. State of the Glenist Terrorist Group (FET) from December 17 to 25, using them against the government. . They supported coordinated internal and external interventions against the elected government. The measures taken by the government to neutralize these interventions have been described as authoritarian. They went so far as to avoid criticizing the opposition for calling the FET's July 15 coup attempt a controlled coup. Ultimately, they viewed each development from the perspective of how it could harm the government and Erdoan.

Today, some circles distort the outstretched hand of the Peoples' Alliance, creating high expectations and then claiming: We told you so. Others approach the issue with the aim of putting pressure on the government or hoping for a division within the People's Alliance. Figures in the Republican People's Party (CHP), who have long insisted that Parliament is the legitimate place to find a solution, are avoiding their responsibilities, leaving the ball in the government's court without presenting their own perspective of a solution. If Parliament is the place for a resolution, concrete proposals should be put forward by all political parties, including those in power.

In particular, the HDP, which ended the reconciliation process, and the left-wing and liberal groups that supported its actions at the time should avoid repeating the same mistakes. Caution must be exercised against those who would exploit this new approach to harm the government. Democratic pressure on DEM is essential to avoid wasting this outstretched hand.

The Sabah Daily News Bulletin

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