Prabowo Subiantos Problematic start: a missed opportunity?

Indonesian President Prabowo Subiantos' presidential victory appears to have been hotly contested. did not translate in a convincing governance strategy to keep its political promises, despite its administrations It's Cita (Eight ideals). THE It's Cita includes eight visions, 17 priorities and eight “quick wins” reflecting a desire for national sovereignty and economic self-sufficiency. Compared to his predecessor Joko Widodos (Jokowi) Mai Cita (Nine Ideals), which emphasized leveraging the state (presentation of the country) to populations through social protection schemes, as well as increased connectivity and infrastructure development, It's Cita reflects a strong state that protects national dignity and sovereignty in different political sectors. With his team in power for barely a month, some have criticized Prabowo for failing to ensure he has a uniform mandate. professional office to achieve these ambitions.

This contrasts with Jokowi's first term, which began in 2014 with a clear direction and rapid implementation of policies. Jokowi's presidential victory was seen at the time as a new chapter in Indonesian politics. Coming from outside the political elite, he built his campaign on promises of presentation of the country in all aspects. His electoral victory was followed by the formation of a transition team led by Tim 11 (Team of eleven)who helped him secure the presidency and had three months to prepare for the official transfer of power in October 2014. Members of this team were then appointed ministers, cabinet secretaries or presidential advisors. This arguably made Jokowis' transition from candidate to president quite smooth and his cabinet hit the ground running quickly.

One of the main strengths of Jokowi's first presidency was the clear articulation of his policy priorities. Its flagship programs aimed to improve Indonesia's infrastructure, streamline bureaucracy and improve social welfare. His cabinet appointments were seen as decisive, combining technocratic expertise and political pragmatism. In short, Jokowi managed to find a balance even if there was some bureaucratic challenges.

Despite an eight-month transition between elections and inauguration, Prabowo does not appear to show determination and clarity, except on his flagship program of free nutritious meals. Immediately after its inauguration, its militaristic “boot camp” for his new cabinet members received a mixed reception notice. He has failed to convince the public how he and his team will quickly implement key campaign promises, such as economic revitalization, legal reform and improved national security. While It's Cita This is Prabowos' vision, his ministers must translate it into concrete policies. Growth of the economy without a clear roadmapquestionable progress in legal reform when law enforcement is weak and fears that the Suharto era “dual function” (dual function) of the army and police will return are challenges that await the new administration. Improving national security, which includes cybersecurity, is a tricky issue when Indonesia's bureaucracy is not digitally savvy.

Additionally, Prabowo's appointment of loyalists to ministerial positions undermines overall professionalism. For example, the Coordinating Minister for Law, Human Rights, Immigration and Prison Services downplayed human rights violations ” to journalists questioned about the May 1998 tragedy, drawing criticism from a leader of a rights group, who disputed the minister's statement.

Additionally, Prabowo's leadership style, centralized and militaristic, may be less effective in the collaborative environment required for policy formulation and execution.

Two key factors have contributed to this lack of clarity in direction: the absence of a formal transition team and excessive accommodation of the interests of political allies. First of all, Prabowo chose not to form a transition team but instead set up a synchronization and support team, believing that his administration would be a continuation of Jokowis. However, this team was composed solely of activists from his Gerindras party. A transition team plays a critical role in ensuring that the new president is fully informed of the government's ongoing policies and priorities, and allows the president-elect to engage in detailed planning for his or her first 100 days in office.

In Prabowo's case, his synchronization team apparently neither maintained institutional continuity nor received critical knowledge transfers from the Jokowis administration. Therefore, when Prabowo took office, there was little clarity about which government policies would be prioritized. It's Cita was integrated into the national development plan but was not sufficiently calibrated to align with the needs of the new administration. For example, the state budget can be barely enough to cover Prabowos proposed “quick wins”.

The absence of a formal transition team could have compounded Prabowo's need to cater to the vested interests of a broad political coalition including members of the previous government. Without effectively managing competing interests, Prabowo found himself with a large cabinet consisting of 48 ministers, five ministerial-level agency heads and 56 vice-ministersmany of whom were loyalistswhich risks inefficiency and fragmentation. Already, some ministers are openly to prioritize their own agendas.

Additionally, Prabowo's leadership style, centralized and militaristic, may be less effective in the collaborative environment required for policy formulation and execution. His reluctance to delegate powers and his focus on consolidating power within his political alliance contributed to an uneven start for his ministers. If some have launched into action like the ministers of foreign affairs And higher education, science and technologysome have taken questionable actions, such as misusing official letterheads for private purposes, as villages and the development of disadvantaged regions have made. The new Deputy Minister of Tourism takes office worry and had to abandon a halal tourism project in Bali, the only Indonesian province with a majority Hindu population. Those who can move quickly are either professionals or technocrats supported by professional career staff or who have spent time coordinating with their predecessors during the transition. These initial problems could have been avoided if the transition period had been used more effectively.

Prabowos' presidency is in its infancy. He will likely streamline and reshuffle his cabinet after an initial period and will still be able to assert a clear policy vision and engage more actively with the bureaucratic apparatus. However, the honeymoon may be short. Now that he has finally ascended to the heights of Indonesian politics, the president must focus on governance if he is to fulfill the promises that brought him to power.

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