Keir Starmer played the China card in Rio and sent a message to a hawkish Donald Trump | Simon Tisdal

BBoth were lawyers before becoming politicians, but that's where the similarities between Keir Starmer and Richard Nixon end. The former US president resigned in disgrace at the height of the Watergate corruption scandal, exactly 50 years ago. The British Prime Minister may not have been wise to accept free tickets from Arsenal FC, but he's not in Nixons league.

Except, perhaps, was there just a touch of Tricky Dicky about Starmer's meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping at last week's G20 summit in Rio de Janeiro? Watergate aside, Nixon is famous for his groundbreaking visit to Beijing in 1972, which paved the way for normalized relations between the United States and Red China.

Nixon's Surprise walk had another objective: to show the Soviet Union, America's adversary in the Cold War, that the United States and China could act in alliance against Moscow, which broke with Beijing in 1961. Nixon's decision, known as playing the China card, has had significant geopolitical consequences. Starmer, who was dealt a weaker hand, had no aces up his sleeve.

Nonetheless, the prime minister's eagerness to restore what had become a very difficult relationship under previous governments was striking. Starmer said he was looking for ties that were consistent, lasting, respectful and predictable. A strong relationship is important for our two countries and for the international community as a whole, he said.

It was a pointed statement. There is no doubt that Starmer was first and foremost about boosting UK trade, investment and growth. But were his remarks also designed, like Nixon, to send a message to a third party, namely Donald Trump?

The US president-elect is a virulent enemy of China, which he says threatens US global hegemony. He plans to impose drastic and punitive tariffs on Chinese imports, thus relaunching the trade war he started during his first term. Conservative supporters, like commentator Ionut Popescu, egg on him. Containment of China must be the guiding principle of American foreign policy in the new Cold War, Popescu wrote.

Leading China hawks are being offered leadership positions in the new administration, which takes office on January 20. Among them, Marco Rubio is Secretary of State. As a senator, Rubio denounced human rights abuses in Xinjiang and the suppression of democracy in Hong Kong, dramatized by last week's jailing of activists and the show trial of British media entrepreneur Jimmy Lai. Rubio insults the wealth and corrupt activities of the Chinese Communist Party leadership.

Trump's choice of Pete Hegseth, a right-wing television personality, as secretary of defense, and Michael Waltz, a fierce defender of Taiwan independence, as national security advisor, reinforces a strong anti-Chinese bias. These men constitute what New York Times calls a new class of cold warrior, weapons pointed at China. And, like Trump, they will not be impressed by the Starmers’ rapprochement with Xi.

Starmer surely knows this, which makes his repositioning all the more interesting. Many in Britain, Labor and Conservative, share American concerns. A library of the House of Commons briefing in July has traced a sharp deterioration in relations with China in recent years, highlighting in particular Beijing's expansive foreign policy, cyberattacks and espionage in the United Kingdom. He noted that Britain formally views China as a systemic competitor and the greatest state threat to the UK's economic security.

Speaking in Rio, Xi insisted his position on Taiwan, democracy and other core issues would not change. But he also reassured with a smiling face, emphasizing that he sought stable, healthy and lasting relations with the West, with words that, like Starmers, were perhaps partly aimed at Trump.

Very profound differences remain. But Chinese and British geostrategic interests may actually converge in the face of Trump's potentially disruptive, costly and dangerous return. Climate change and post-pandemic health are two key areas of cooperation. A continued confrontation between the world's two greatest economic and military powers would not be to Britain's advantage. If Trump, the disturbing American, cannot befriend and be influenced, maybe Xi can do it?

Other countries make similar calculations. Germany, with its huge Chinese exports, wants to remain friendly. The EU prefers to reduce risks to open ruptures, in the style of Trump, even if it is divided and incoherent. Hungary and Greece are holding China tight and Lithuania is arguing. Europe as a whole would suffer greatly from a global tariff war started by the United States.

Emmanuel Macron was another leader sympathetic to Xi in Rio. The French president raised China's support for Russia's war in Ukraine, then mysteriously claimed to have reached a convergence of views. Macron distances himself from Trump France would continue promote European strategic autonomy, precisely to be able to dialogue with China in complete independence.

Not to be outdone, Anthony Albanese, Australia's prime minister, put aside thorny bilateral differences and, like Starmer, shook Xi's hand for a fresh start. Australia, too, values ​​stable and calibrated ties. Business was booming again, Albanese said. Dialogue is essential and we have made encouraging progress. Jolly Xi hugged him back (figuratively).

All of this must be music to Xi's ears. He has long dreamed of China supplanting the United States as the leading superpower of the 21st century. Plagued by economic problems and a wolf warrior diplomacy In response, he launched a charm offensive abroad. Last month, he patched it up a border conflict between the Himalayas and India, an old rival courted by the United States.

Trump's victory was initially seen as bad news for China. It may be exactly the opposite. He is unpredictable. His opinions change. But if America is going to put everyone last first, if Trump's isolationism, aggressive nationalism and trade war threats end up hurting America's allies, then those allies, including Starmer , might ultimately swallow their apprehensions and look elsewhere for reliable friends, if only to achieve some balance. . If Xi's dream of domination comes true, he will know who to thank. Donald Trump: Make China great again.