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The diaspora paradox

The diaspora paradox

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What defines reform in a country like Pakistan, where institutions are historically entangled, democratic transitions are systematically interrupted, and politics is a constant struggle between memory and manipulation? Can significant change come from the advocacy led by the diaspora, often rooted in legitimate grievances but shaped by partisan experiences? And more importantly, can it do it without fueling an additional division in an already fractured policy?

These are questions that deserve consideration as an American Pakistani diaspora is increasingly asserting themselves in Washington. With an increasing influence in the circles of the American Congress, this diaspora has managed to face resolutions and political conversations which center human rights violations of Pakistan and democratic decline – in particular since the eviction and imprisonment of the former Prime Minister Imran Khan.

Although this activism has led to an unprecedented commitment to the congress, in particular bipartite letters and proposed legislation such as Pakistan Democracy Act, the movement also raises difficult questions on the motive, method and memory. Are these efforts really in the pursuit of institutional reform and democratic continuity in Pakistan? Or do they risk becoming selective calculations – looking for justice for some while ignoring the political complicity of others?

It is undeniable that the power structures of Pakistan have historically influenced political results in a way that has undermined democratic standards. However, the current wave of diaspora criticism – emerging widely after the fall of the government of Imran Khan – tends to neglect the fact that PTI itself, now the symbol of resistance, was an important beneficiary of the same military establishment which he now seeks to hold responsible.

For three years, the PTI government reigned with the manifest support of the powers in place. Its legislators – some of which are now putting pressure on the US Congress – have been accused of using state institutions for partisan purposes, to silence dissent and clever political rivals using the same instruments as they denounce now.

Take Qasim Suri, for example, whose victory in 2018 was widely criticized as fake and confirmed only by a favorable suspension. Today, he is one of those who engage the American legislators, which raises concerns about electoral manipulation and institutional overtaking. Where was this alarm when the courts, the organizations responsible for the application of the laws and the establishment would have been tilted in favor of PTI?

Ignoring this context is not only intellectually dishonest – it risks transforming a pro -democracy movement into a partisan campaign for selective justice.

The political history of Pakistan is strewn with cases of civil governments which seek power by military support, then to deplore its interference once in disgrace. Imran Khan is not the first to have traveled this path. From the initial increase of Nawaz Sharif in the 1980s to the complex relationship of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto with the army, the civil-military dynamic has always been defined by transnationalism rather than on basic principles.

This cycle thrives on institutional rupture, giving way to democratic disruption, compromised judicial power and responsibility becoming a revenge tool. Calling these anomalies is right. But the remedy cannot be the one who externalizes all the blame from a single institution while exempting politicians who not only allowed but benefited from the system distortions.

There is also a moral and strategic question about the distance which should go to foreign intervention in the internal affairs of Pakistan. While American citizens have all the right to influence the foreign policy of the United States – in particular when it implies countries of origin – there is a border between defending human rights and inadvertently undermine state sovereignty.

Pakistan is already struggling with internal fault lines – from the increase in activism to Khyber -Pakhtunkhwa to the dissatisfaction of the insurgents in Balutchistan. Calls for targeted sanctions, visa prohibitions or broader punitive measures – in particular those intended for an institution while ignoring systemic civil failures – the risk of deepening instability. Even more, when these calls come from individuals who were part or who have benefited or benefited the very system that they now seek to dismantle.

In a word, the reform must be complete, not practical.

Real democratic reform in Pakistan requires introspection, not just the indictment. He must start by recognizing that no military, judicial or civilian institution – has been immune to abuses of power. The political class must be willing to renounce its dependence on institutions that are not elected for electoral success. Civil society, including activists from the diaspora, must aim to build inclusive accounts rather than polarization.

The constitution of Pakistan provides a framework for civil supremacy, judicial independence and human rights. The battle is not to rewrite this constitution by lobby in foreign capitals but to restore its primacy in Pakistan. It is a battle better directed by the Pakistanis themselves – in the country and abroad – but through means which heal rather than harm the divisions.

The advocacy of the diaspora may have opened a space in Washington for a long-term calculation for a long time with the civil-military imbalance of Pakistan. But he must now choose: will he become a movement of structural reform or will remain a campaign for partisan repair? If it is the first, then the emphasis must move from personality to principles, from vendetta to values. It is only then that he can claim the mantle of democracy and act as a catalyst of a real transformation in Pakistan.

However, before calling democratic reforms or joining the diaspora against Pakistan power centers, the PTI must first face its own past. He owes people – both in the country that abroad – an honest admission of the way in which he came to power, the compromises he made and the support he has received from the very institutions that he criticizes now. He must ask for forgiveness from his voters for betraying the ideals of transparency and integrity, and to apologize to the political opponents which he vilified in the name of the political opportunity. It is only after this calculation that his call for reform can bring a moral weight.

Real democratic change cannot be built on selective memory and partisan stories – it begins with truth, humility and responsibility.

Sources

1/ https://Google.com/

2/ https://tribune.com.pk/story/2538106/diasporas-paradox

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