South Korea just warned Donald Trump if his opponents listen to him

On Tuesday shortly before 11 p.m. local time, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law in a televised address to the nation. Shortly thereafter, Martial Law Commander General Park Ahn-Soo announced that all political activities would be banned and all media and publications would be subject to the control of the Martial Law Command.

In less than three hours, lawmakers and protesters gathered outside the National Assembly, while soldiers attempted to block the entrances. Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the opposition Democratic Party, filmed himself live climbing over a wall to enter the building. Within five hours, 190 lawmakers unanimously overturned the Yoons executive order. And less than six hours after the president announced his takeover, Yoon delivered a second televised speech ending his declaration of martial law. By Wednesday afternoon, the opposition had presented articles of impeachment against Yoon, with a vote possible as early as Thursday.

The exploits of South Korea's Democratic-led opposition have been a welcome and captivating spectacle for democracy supporters around the world. And they provided a lesson to Democrats and other Trump opponents in America.

The parallels between the political situations of the two countries are more than worrying.

It may seem flippant to immediately interpret another country's crisis through the American political system. But the parallels between the political situations of the two countries are more than worrying. Yoon narrowly beat Lee in 2022 with just under 50% of the vote. The political novice was compared to former US President Donald Trump and was prone to gaffes throughout the campaign, the BBC reported at the time. He had to walk back a comment that authoritarian President Chun Doo-hwan, who was responsible for massacring protesters in 1980, was good at politics.

Yoon's victory, analysts told The New York Times, was more of a referendum on the failures of his liberal predecessors than support for Mr. Yoon. Growing inequality and rising housing prices have fueled voter discontent with politicians and immigrants. Yoon courted young men angry at feminists and the MeToo movement. And while in power, he frequently called his critics communists and the media fake news.

Sound familiar?

Compare the six hours it took South Koreans to block the demise of their democracy with the aftermath of January 6, 2021. It took House Democrats five days to introduce articles of impeachment. Although the articles had 218 co-sponsors, ensuring their passage, the vote did not take place until two days later. The impeachment trial took place only five weeks after the attempted insurrection and three weeks after Trump left office.

The delay gave conservatives time to consolidate their defense of Trump, once the initial shock had passed. And once Trump was no longer president, Republicans like Sen. Mitch McConnell had an additional excuse to acquit. The question is moot because former President Trump is constitutionally ineligible for conviction, he said, arguing that the former president could instead be held accountable to the criminal justice system.

Now, Trump will return to the White House and, thanks to the Supreme Court, with sweeping new protections against criminal prosecution. In other words, it turns out that a united opposition quickly and decisively refuting the so-called authoritarians works better than taking a few weeks and hoping for the best.

Misguided confidence undermines a desperately needed sense of urgency.

For all the similarities between Yoon and Trump, one difference between the two countries is that although South Korea's Democratic Party controlled the legislative branch, in the crucial hours and days following the Capitol attack, Republicans held always the Senate. It wasn't until January 20, when Kamala Harris was sworn in as vice president, that Democrats gained access to both chambers.

There is another, more crucial difference: South Korean leaders understand that democracy is a fragile thing. It is surely no coincidence that the leaders of South Korea and Brazil, both of which have experienced military dictatorships in living memory, have resolutely rejected attacks on their democratic systems. (Less than six months after an attempted coup in January 2023, Brazilian authorities banned former President Jair Bolsonaro from running for office until 2030.)

But for most Americans, especially those in power, a state without democracy is unthinkable. (The Jim Crow regime and other undemocratic systems in U.S. history are omitted from these optimistic assessments.) This misguided confidence undermines a desperately needed sense of urgency. Trump's undemocratic actions are not a fever that will eventually subside; It is a disease that must be remedied quickly.

Democrats staged the fastest impeachment and trial in American history. But it wasn't fast enough. The lesson is that the next time Trump transgresses the boundaries of the democratic system and Democrats have the opportunity to hold him to account, they must proceed as quickly as possible. Keeping Congress open, demanding votes, keeping lawmakers in town whatever is necessary must be done quickly, lest Republicans lose their briefly newfound sanity. Once upon a time, the allure of partisanship could last a week, or even two. Now, these chances are measured in hours. Even the Senate can act quickly when it wants: After delaying the 2021 trial by three weeks, Democrats cut the proceedings short because, as one senator told the House impeachment managers, people want to go home. home for Valentine's Day.

The time will come when Trump and his acolytes will attack democracy again. They can't help it. And on that day, Democrats must be ready to act quickly to defend democracy and impose the accountability Americans demand.

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