Has Trumps Authoritarian followed Irans Ahmadinejad's game book? | Donald Trump

He reads as an inventory of Donald prevails over two months in the White House.

A newly elected demagogic president, renowned for his provocative rallies and waterfalls, begins to take office.

It upsets the country's international relations in a series of non -divromatic shifters.

State institutions are emptied or closed in an explosion of radicalism aimed at transforming the government.

The authorities responsible for the application of laws depict performative public districts of those considered, with precision or not, be violent criminals.

Critics complain that the statutes are systematically broken. Universities and the media are targeted in a repression on freedom of expression.

A largely venerated cultural institution undergoes a takeover from the government and receives a conservative makeover.

Malfotted opposition politicians are trying to recover ground by highlighting the increase in the cost of food food and not tackling the kitchen table problems that the voters have elected the president to solve.

The fact that all of this could be a summary of Helter-Skelter's opening phase of the second presidency, he also describes events that followed the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president of Iran 20 years ago.

Ahmadinejad appeared as a sworn enemy of the West after reaching the power of the darkness in 2005. His offensive diatribes against Israel who, according to him, should be erased from the recurred card and denial of the Holocaust were the fabric of the wickedness of the cartoons, more extensive by its bellicose championship of the nuclear program.

He was also an electoral populist in the Trump mold, as a follower to attract large crowds with his message to defend left -handers and to dispossess when he was the brilliance of his opponents.

Donald Trump: According to Steven Levitsky, Donald Trump: much more authoritarian than almost any other comparable case than I know about democratic decline. Photography: Francis Chung / EPA

The Iranians noticed the matching characters. There was a joke in Iran during the first term of Trumps that when it became president, Iran finally managed to export its revolution, said Vali Nasr, a scholarship holder of Iranian international affairs at Johns Hopkins University. Trump was mainly Ahmadinejad in the United States.

In a striking turn, Ahmadinejad even addressed the University of Columbia, an institution now threatened with discounts of subsidies by the Trump administration for an alleged failure to fight against the anti-Semitism of the campus by tolerating pro-Palestinian demonstrators during a visit in 2007 in New York. The universities then presidents, Lee Bollinger, assaulted him to his face for his denial of the holocaust and called him a cruel and small dictator, a description which seemed to predict the criticisms of many Trumps opponents.

The parallels, however, are superficial and the differences just as important.

Ahmadinejad, remembered his white man's jacket, defined by his frugality and surrounded himself with similar types; Trump displays his wealth and seems to have space in his inner circle for billionaires, for whom he promotes huge tax reductions.

Ahmadinejad took what was already a seven on the scale of repression and made it a ninekarim sadjadpour

In addition, any comparison between Iran and the United States must be accompanied by a health warning.

Iran, under the suffocating religious regime which seized power after the 1979 revolution which overthrew the country's former pro-Western monarch, Shah Mohammad Pahlavi, was hardly a flourishing democracy before the presidency of Ahmadinejads even after a relatively liberal period of reform under its predecessor, Mouhamamd Khatami.

He came to power in an already deeply authoritarian regime, said Karim Sadjadpour of the Endowment of Carnegie for International Peace, which was in Iran when Ahmadinejad became president. He took what was already a seven on the repression scale and made it new.

However, the fact that any analogy may be drawn from the unexplored territory that the United States has entered Trump.

In the past few weeks, the president and his allies have assailed the judges and suggested that they could flout justice decisions, commentators and experts have warned of an imminent constitutional crisis and get back on authoritarianism and even dictatorship.

The researchers praised a variety of world precedents in a quest for a parallel that could serve as a guide to find out where American democracy is heading.

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Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbn is often quoted as a pioneer from Trump. Photography: Ludovic Marin / AFP / Getty Images

The examples commonly cited are Hungary and its strong Prime Minister, Viktor Orbn; Turkey, whose president, Recep Tayyip Erdoan, has been power for 22 years and has served the judges and the military general who have confirmed the structure of the secular state created by Mustafa Kemal Atatrk; And Russia and its leader, Vladimir Putin. The ascents of the three are often considered as cases of democracies and formerly independent emasculated institutions and elections that have played to maintain the holder.

More encouraging contenders are visible in Poland and in the Czech Republic, where the right -wing populist nationalist forces have lost power during the last elections with parties or candidates for the presidential election who committed themselves in the liberal public and international institutions such as the EU and NATO.

However, none seems to compete with the pure ferocity with which Trump has eviscerated the federal agencies, denounced the judges and produces decrees in the process of carrying out the landscape.

The problem was summed up by Steven Levitsky, political scientist of Harvard and author of books on Democracy Decline and Autocracys Rise, who told the New York Times that he had seen nothing like the aggression of democratic institutions.

The best parallel I can see is the collapse of the Soviet Union Hashemi

The first two months under Trump had been much more aggressively authoritarian than almost any other comparable case that I know about democratic decline, he said. Erdoan, [Venezuelan leader Hugo] Chvez, Orbn, they hid it.

Other observers agree that Trumps movements are larger than those observed in other democracies have transformed autocracies.

The best parallel I can see is the collapse of the Soviet Union, said Nader Hashemi, professor of studies in the Middle East and Islamic at the University of Georgetown and another academic of Iranian origin.

A political order that everyone thought that the long shelf life erases quickly is quickly disorienting and people try to understand what comes next.

We do not really have similar precedents at this time when you have a long -standing existing democracy, it is a major power that collapses so quickly and quickly and moves in the direction of authoritarianism. I think its impact will also be felt worldwide.

King Henry VIII of England. Photograph: Heritage images / Getty images

The NASR said Trump had confused comparisons with the previous authorities of Subvert in democracy, comparing the current White House to the court of King Henri VIII, the 16th century monarch recalled for his six women and to have triggered the English reform.

The way he set up authority in the White House is more like a Tudor monarchy than to modern authoritarianism, he said. The White House is more like an imperial courtyard.

Trump, argued Nasr, has a theory of rapid and massive change which recalled the approach of military couples in the Third World who judged that their program was incompatible with democracy.

The common bond between Trump and Ahmadinejad can be the forces that brought them to power.

It created a class in Iran, a bit like the people who voted for Brexit or the people who voted for Trumpvali Nasr

You could say that the very first type of reaction of our time against what economic liberalization can do to a company has occurred in Iran, said Nasr.

Under Ahmadinejads, two presidential predecessors, Khatami and Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, liberal economic reforms intended to generate prosperity after years of post-revolutionary austerity have produced a loss of general public class and left behind a disused population group that had lost.

It created a class in Iran like the people who voted for Brexit [in Britain] Or people who voted for Trump, said Nasr. SO [Ahmadinejad] was anti-establishment in the way Boris Johnson was during Brexit, or Trump was during his two campaigns. There is certainly a parallel there.

Hashemi saw another parallel in Trumps' attacks against universities and the media a trend of which Iran has witnessed (accompanied by a much greater repression) before Hmadinejad took power, while carnliners tried to trace the freedoms that the reformists had introduced.

Then Ahmadinejad comes and continues in an authoritarian direction, he said. The parallel between this period and now in the United States is that authoritarian regimes hate independent institutions, the press and in particular universities, because they promote free reflection, they hold the power to account. This is why this attack saw this attack on Columbia University and other universities.

Ahmadinejad, having delighted inflation with populist cash documents and facilitated the takeover of the revolutionary guards of the economy, was ultimately thwarted by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme chief of Irans and the most powerful cleric, who marginalized him while himself using more powerful authoritarian pulses.

Trump having captivated the Republican Congress, and which is now limited only by a constitutional bar to seek a third term that some of his supporters are already claiming to modify are not subject to such constraints.

In a way, the conduct of the assets is more sinister because it tries to transform a democracy into autocracy, said Sadjadpour. Given the Odium in which the detractors of Ahmadinejads once held it, this seems a particularly disturbing verdict.

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