Politics

Why Boris Johnsons is waging war on awakening troubles Conservative MPs

This is the second day of the fallout from the racial and ethnic disparities report commissioned by Boris Johnson following the anti-racism protests in the UK last year.

At the time, it was already clear how the government wanted to respond to the Black Lives Matter movement and criticisms of structural racism in the UK. Johnson initially recognized the sense of injustice motivating the protesters, but quickly pivoted, influenced by Councilor No.10 Munira Mirza and Equalities and Treasury Minister Kemi Badenoch, to say that he wanted a more positive discussion about race in the UK and that he wanted to end the feeling of victimization among ethnic minorities in Britain. He announced a new commission, chaired by educational consultant Tony Sewell, which shared this analysis of race in the UK and skepticism about the idea of institutional racism. This was also the period when the government amplified its concern for the welfare of statues.

The government’s 800-word version of yesterday’s report, which was the only material available when the newspaper headlines were written, is an exact replica of the government’s message in the wake of the BLM protests. Governments ‘claim that allegations of institutional racism made by well-meaning young people are not borne out by the evidence was in fact stronger than the reports’ own findings.

[see also:The government has made sure its new racism report is of no use whatsoever]

The line that the UK should be seen as a model of race relations by other majority white countries also does not appear in the report itself. The government managed to release it in such a way that its pre-wired lines, rather than the commissioners ‘conclusions, were the main focus, while ministers refused to commit to implementing the reports’ more mundane recommendations. (Despite the inflammatory suggestion that we need a new slavery story, the report itself is a good faith engagement on the issue of racial inequality, with the major caveat that it does fails to fathom the links between deprivation and race, and sees evidence of the former as evidence of the latter’s absence.)

The government got what it expected from this process: a vigorous and headlining rejection of the notion of institutional racism, without any commitment to make the proposed changes. The question is how long this will last and how comfortable the Conservative Party is with it. Not all Conservative MPs, and certainly not all Conservative MPs from ethnic minorities, agree with Kemi Badenoch’s school of thought on racism.

The government’s response to Sarah Everards death has shown how a revived war hits a hard wall when serious events occur. After months of sporadic sexism layoffs (remember when Liz Truss said she spent a lot of time learning about sexism and racism in school, with too little time spent making sure everyone could read and write?), the government was forced to take a serious tone and commit, at least rhetorically, to improving the safety of women and girls. There are plenty of conservatives, Caroline Nokes being the loudest, who doesn’t see how the war has awakened or how this can be a serious and winning strategy for conservatives in the long run.

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